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Forced friendship: Wike, Fubara in fight to finish as peace deal crumbles

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IT is no longer news that the peace pact between the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, and his predecessor and estranged political godfather, Nyesom Wike, has collapsed, following the intervention in October 2023 by President Bola Tinubu, in the wake of the escalating political crisis in the crude oil and gas-rich state.
The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, during a media chat in Abuja on Tuesday, April 2, ruled out any reconciliation in the foreseeable future with his successor, Governor Fubara.

Fubara, on his part, broke his silence on Wednesday, April 3, as he promised to surprise his detractors if they dared him, referring to those stampeding him to implement all the items in the eight-point presidential proclamation.

But before the 2023 general election, the love between Fubara, the then Accountant-General of Rivers State, and Wike, then sitting governor, was, to say the least, deep and cordial. Among other considerations, Wike ruffled feathers within his camp, picked Fubara singlehandedly, and made him the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party in the build-up to the election.

Wike’s preference for Fubara, as believed in some quarters, was to ensure that his tracks for the eight years he governed the state were covered and for him to continue his hold on the state and keep his political structure intact.

Wike had his way and Fubara emerged the winner of the governorship election in the state and was sworn in accordingly on May 29, 2023. Barely five to six months into the new administration, things started turning awry between the successor and predecessor, who was appointed Minister of the Federal Capital Territory by President Tinubu.

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When Fubara became Governor, Wike ensured that seven commissioners who served under him were reappointed by Fubara. Not only that, they indeed retained the same positions in the new cabinet. He was alleged to have supervised all subsequent appointments in the new administration and called the shots on other salient issues bothering governance in the state. At some point, the situation did not go down well with Fubara, seen then as a loyal political godson, until the treatment he was getting became a mouthful.

Before the crisis, anytime the FCT Minister would visit Rivers, Fubara would have been at the Port Harcourt International Airport to welcome him and lead him to his abode; with the two political leaders seen together at many state functions. Months down the line, however, their relationship became frosty to the extent that the two political leaders stopped seeing eyeball to eyeball, let alone sitting together at state functions.

A case in point was in late October 2023 during the annual summit of the Nigerian Bar Association Young Lawyers Forum in Port Harcourt, held at the Justice Mary Odili Judicial Institute, where the FCT Minister delivered a lecture. At that event, with the theme: ‘Breaking Barriers: Creating Future Leaders in Nigeria from the Present and Next Generation of Young Lawyers’, Governor Fubara, who was to present the keynote address, was represented by the Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Prof. Zacchaeus Adangor, SAN.

Also in November 2023 during the unveiling of a book titled ‘Law and Society: ‘A Compendium of Speeches and Addresses’ written by the then outgoing Chairman of the Rivers State University Governing Council and Pro-Chancellor, Justice Iche Ndu, (retd) in Port Harcourt, Wike attended as the special guest of honour, while Fubara, who was the chief host and visitor to the University, was visibly absent. Sundry occasions point to the no love lost between ‘godfather and godson’ as it were.

Though these were a prelude to the main show, the would-be crisis, which some keen watchers of political events in the state predicted rightly, reached the rooftop when it was speculated in the camp of the FCT Minister that Fubara was hobnobbing with some known political foes of Wike, including the PDP presidential candidate in the 2023 general election, Atiku Abubakar and members of his then-campaign organisation in Rivers State who fell out of favour with the former Governor for pitching their tent with Atiku in the 2023 election.

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To give vent to their claims, within the same period, Fubara visited Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa State and Godwin Obaseki of Edo State, both notably known for not supporting Wike’s bid to be the PDP vice-presidential standard-bearer for the election.

A few weeks afterwards, the state was thrown into crisis with the attempt by 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly said to be loyal to the FCT Minister to commence the impeachment process against Fubara, which came after the bombing of the hallowed chamber of the state legislature. Wike had alleged that there was a plot to change the leadership of the Assembly, precisely to remove his kinsman and Speaker of the House, Honourable Martin Amaewhule, saying whoever wants to do that ‘will go first’, as he pointed out that he will not allow anyone to hijack the political structure which he had toiled over the years to build in the state.

While welcoming governors elected on the platform of the PDP in his office in Abuja, Wike commented for the first time on the feud between the State Assembly and the Governor, saying he would not allow anyone to intimidate him. He added, “They have talked about the crisis in Rivers State. Let me tell anybody who cares that nobody can intimidate me. It does not matter whether you go and bring thugs, or you say you are Ijaw. If I want to do something I will do it. Impeachment is not a military coup, it is provided for under the Constitution.”

The intervention of President Tinubu ushered in what some political pundits describe as a ‘first aid peace’ in the state because, according to them, the eight-point resolution put before the feuding parties mainly favoured his appointee, the FCT Minister, leaving the incumbent governor between a rock and hard place, though Wike on many occasions disagreed that he was favoured as he declared Fubara as the greatest beneficiary of the President’s intervention, with the resolution leading to the withdrawal of the impeachment process against the governor by the state House of Assembly.

Fubara too, on his return from the Abuja treaty, started implementing the agreements, including the re-appointment of the nine pro-Wike commissioners who resigned their positions in the heat of the crisis and payment of the withheld entitlements of the lawmakers, who had, in the spirit of the agreement, withdrawn the impeachment proceedings.

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The issue of re-presentation of the 2024 Appropriation Bill, which was hurriedly passed by four lawmakers led by the factional speaker, Edison Ehie and Governor Fubara signing it into law 24 hours after presentation, has yet unresolved as it is now a subject of litigation, following suits filed by some Rivers elders, one led by the pioneer spokesman of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, High Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe and the Rivers State Civil Society Organisation, led by its Chairman, Eneefa Georgewill.

The pro-Wike lawmakers have continued to make life difficult for Governor Fubara by vetoing him, amending and enacting laws without his assent, notably the Rivers State Local Government Law and the State Advertisement and Signage Law, which whittle down the powers of the Governor if implemented. The recent threat by the 27 lawmakers to resume impeachment proceedings against the Governor lends credence to the deepening crisis between the two parties.

Before Wike’s recent outburst where he ruled out the possibility of any reconciliation with Fubara, he had previously expressed disappointment at the conduct of his successor, saying he did not like ingrates and that ‘money’ and ‘power’ will always reveal the true nature of a person.

And, during his recent media chat, Wike took a swipe at Fubara and some PDP leaders in the state, including former Minister of Transport, Dr Abiye Sekibo; Celestine Omehia, Senator Lee Maeba and former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Chief Austin Okpara.

The FCT Minister, however, insisted that his camp had fulfilled its part of the presidential proclamation majorly by withdrawing the impeachment process, but that Fubara had yet to strictly adhere, with regards to the issue of representation of the budget before a properly-constituted House of Assembly for approval. The House Speaker, Honourable Amaewhule, had cited at a recent press briefing that the Governor has continued to act outside the law and that Rivers is the only state in the country ‘operating without a budget’.
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A Port Harcourt-based public affairs analyst, Dr Kennedy Wakama, puts it succinctly that the statement by the FCT Minister signaled the collapse of the peace brokered by the President between Wike and Fubara, noting that it was a tale of two leaders trying to build their political dynasty.

Fubara, who had maintained silence even in the face of the fresh impeachment threat, finally drew the line. While commenting on the peace pact during a meeting with members of the National Union of Local Government Employees at the Government House, Port Harcourt, on April 3, Fubara made a veiled reference and warned his traducers thus, ‘If you dare me I will surprise you’.

The governor explained that he had been inundated with several comments in the media about the implementation of the peace initiative and had chosen to be silent out of maturity and wisdom.

The governor said: “Let me say it here for record purposes: What is happening here in our dear state is somebody who has respect for an elder. Mr President invited all the parties to Abuja and came out with a resolution that we should go and implement. That resolution, I am implementing. It is not a constitutional implementation. It is a political solution to a problem. And I am doing it because of the respect I have for Mr President. But, let me say it here, if that action that I have accepted to take is seen as a weakness, I will surprise them. I want this message to go to them.”

Fubara said he had since then commenced implementation of the agreement, solely because of his respect for President Tinubu, but cautioned that it appears that other political actors have taken his humility and compliance as a sign of weakness.

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While urging the NULGE members and people of the state to continue to support his administration, show understanding over actions taken, and peacefully obey the rules, he threw another salvo: “When you are doing what is right, I will stand by you. Nobody, whether full or half, is going to intimidate you. Brace up, I say brace up, because the next step, it will be fire for fire in Rivers State. Everything will be implemented.”

In another show of strength, Fubara, the next day, while flagging off the Port Harcourt International Automobile Spare Parts Trading and Commercial Centre project in Iriebe in Obio/Akpo LGA, Rivers State, said, “You can see how restless they have been since I made just one statement, yesterday. We will continue to make them restless. They won’t know where we are coming from. We will also continue to hit them hard the way we hit them yesterday.”

Like a ding-dong affair, reactions have continued to greet the Governor’s outburst. The Chairman of the State APC Caretaker Committee, Chief Tony Okocha, a day after, accused Fubara of fanning the embers of war, adding that his comments were disrespectful to the President.

Commenting on the issue, a former Rivers State Commissioner for Information and Communications when Wike held sway as Governor, Dr Emma Okah, said the former governor should concentrate on his assignment in Abuja and allow his successor alone to work.

Okah stated, “You cannot constantly be coming here to be disturbing the peace of the state. This ordinarily you wouldn’t have taken as governor here. You would not have allowed the minister of anybody at all from outside to come and do what he is doing to the governor.

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“The fact is, your tenure as governor has ended and another person has taken over. You cannot tell the person to keep enmity with people, especially when they don’t have direct problems. The best we can do as a state is to encourage the Governor to bring everybody on board.”

Dr Okah further said, “The former governor should appreciate the fact that he is no longer the governor of Rivers State. His interest should be how to support his successor to succeed. He cannot continue to act as if he does not want his successor to succeed. He is not helping the state, he is overheating the system and people are getting distracted.”

On the way forward, he said the current political crisis in the state would be over if the former governor placed the interest of the state above his interest.

“The former governor and the present governor should sit down and discuss and I’m sure in less than 30 minutes, they will be able to resolve their problems,” he said.

Some residents in the state and watchers of the unfolding events have opined that the breakdown of the peace pact is good for the state, saying the state of Rivers should not be under the control of an individual.

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Already, insinuations are rife that Governor Fubara plans to use administrators to run the LGAs until such a time he considers fit to conduct the council election, especially going by the recent amendment of the Rivers State Local Government Law by the State House of Assembly, which makes provision for the extension of the tenure of the current council chairmen.

This had informed the alarm raised by the State APC caretaker committee chairman, Chief Tony Okocha, during a news briefing on April 3, where he alleged that the party had uncovered a plot by Governor Fubara to procure a court injunction to declare the State House of Assembly and the laws it enacted nay amended within the period of the crisis illegal, though Fubara’s Commissioner for Information and Communications, Joseph Johnson, described the allegation as outright falsehood.

Okocha stated, “I want to use this opportunity to inform Rivers people and Nigerians of the move by the Governor of Rivers State, Siminalayi Fubara, to procure interim court orders from judges that I may not name here, but I will put in my petition today at the National Judicial Council.

“He (Fubara) wants to procure an interim order stopping the implementation of the laws which he was vetoed over. He wants to procure an order to announce as illegal the Rivers State House of Assembly as constituted and as led by Rt. Hon. Martin Chike Amaewhule.”

While noting that the APC as a leading opposition party in the state will resist the move, he added, “These are the plans that are on and he is doing that so that he will now leverage on that order to go ahead to appoint caretaker committees in local government, against the warning of the man he says he respects, the President.”

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Politics

2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

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Maduka University

A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.

Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.

He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.

Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.

“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.

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“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?

“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.

Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?

According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?

Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”

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He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.

“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.

“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.

“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.

According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.

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“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.

Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.

He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.

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2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

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Maduka University

By PETRUS OBI

Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.

It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.

At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.

Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?

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Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.

Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.

His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.

Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.

Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.

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The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.

More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.

That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?

The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.

Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.

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He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.

That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.

The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.

In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.

Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.

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That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.

The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.

Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.

There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.

Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.

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Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.

With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.

More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.

The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.

But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.

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Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.

That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.

The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.

Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.

If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.

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He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.

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Politics

2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

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Maduka University
The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has explained why he could not have served as Director-General of President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 Presidential Campaign Council, saying he is not a member of the All Progressives Congress and does not want to risk losing his states.

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.

Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.

According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.

“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.

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“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.

“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!

“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”

Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.

“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.

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“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.

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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.

“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.

“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.

“So, we had our own strategies on how the president would emerge,” he said.
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Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.

“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.

Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.

“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.

“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.

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The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.

Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.

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Politics

Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

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Maduka University

By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

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Awkunanaw Clan gives ‘Ofo’ to their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, the NDC 2027 Enugu state Guber candidate

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Maduka University

The people of Awkunanaw clan comprising 22 autonomous communities that span Enugu South and Nkanu West Local Government Areas of Enugu state declared their total support for the governorship ambition of their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, who is the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, 2027 governorship candidate for Enugu state.

The elders and thousands of the people of these 22 communities namely, Omuoha, Amechi Obuoffia, Ndi Uno Obuoffia, Amangwu, Ndi Agu Obuoffia, Amegu Akegbe, Attakwu, Obeaghu, Akegbe Ugwu(Okwuo) Umuatugbuoma, Umueze, Amechi Uwani, Amechi Uno, Amechi, Ugwuaji, Obegu Ugwuaji, Akwuke, Akwuke Uwani, Amodu Okowo, Okpebe, Obeagu, and Obeagu Uno gathered in their ancestral home, Ihuani Okunano at Ndi Uno Obuoffia where they prayed and gave the traditional ‘Ofo’ to Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, endorsing him, and expressing their total support, for his 2027 governorship ambition.

The elders led by the oldest man in the clan, the 104 years-old Chief Emmanuel Agwa Onovo from Akegbe Ugwu (Okwuo), extolled the public life and philantropy of Sir Chinyeaka, and prayed that God and the good people of Enugu State would vote for his victory in the 2027 governorship election. They recalled the hundreds of people of Awkunanaw clan and beyond who have been lifted by his philantropy, and how he single-handedly built the magnificient Akpasha town hall, the meeting venue of the Awkunanaw clan.

“The significance of the event,” according to the eldest man in the clan who presided over the ceremony, “is that the ‘Ofo’ provides a spiritual shield, acting as a direct link to the ancestors and God, serving as spiritual licence that justifies the warrior’s cause”

Chief Mark Ngene, a 98 year old former Director in Enugu state Local Government System, and a leading voice in Awkunanaw Clan, said, “Sir Chinyeaka’s public service record presents him as the people’s warrior and a trusted son of Igbo land who, as he goes to battle, is, today, the 19th day of August, 2026, presented with an ‘Ofo’ staff which serves as a sacred act of spiritual arming, devine endorsement rooted in a ]covenant of truth and an impending overwhelming victory in the 2027 governorship election”

Speaking after recieving the ‘Ofo,’ Sir Chinyeaka thanked the elders, the Awkunanaw people, NDC candidates and supporters, who graced the occassion. He said, “What you just witnessed, today, the 19th day of August 2026, marking the commencement of electioneering campaign for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections, is the gifting of the victory baton, traditionally called, ‘Ofo,’ in Igbo land, given to my humble self by the Awkunanaw clan, led by the Council of Elders, the traditional ‘Ofo’ custodians, ‘aka ji ‘Ofo,’ of the 22 autonomous communities of the clan.
‘Ofo’ is imbued with authority over adversaries and enables the holder to triumph over obstacles and or challenges. I recall that on this ground where I am standing, stood His Excellency Jim Nwobodo in 1979 during the build-up to the then Anambra State governorship election, and recieved this same sacred ‘Ofo’ from the elders of Awkunanaw clan. He, subsequently, won the governorship election. Similarly, in 2005, on this same spot, this same ‘Ofo’ was given to Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani when he contested the position of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he, too, won.”

Concluding, he said, “With this ‘Ofo,’ I am now fully prepared to go for the 2027 governorship election in Enugu state and win seamlessly to the glory of God.”

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Several NDC chieftains and candidates in the 2027 election attended the ceremony. They included the deputy governorship candidate, Chief Frank Omeje, Enugu West Senatorial candidate, Chief Chinedu Ene. Others were House of Representatives candidates: Awgu/Aninri/Oji River, Dr. John Nwokeabia, Nsukka/Igboeze South, Dr. Hilary Onyishi (Ikemba), Nkanu West/Nkanu East, Hon. El shaddai Chinemerem Ike, Igbo Etiti/Uzouwani, Barr. Fide Ani. House of Assembly candidate for Enugu South Urban constituency, Mrs Ngozi Agbo, was also present.

Other NDC Chieftains present were Barr. Emeka Okeke, former Enugu State Commissioner for Chieftaincy Matters, Chief Kentus Eze, former SPA to Governor Ugwuanyi, Chief Emeka Madu, former member Enugu state House of Assembly, Chief Hycinth Ngwu, former APC Chieftain and Director, FAAN, Dr Vincent Obeta, former MD NEWMAP, Dr. Anthony Okenwa-Ani, former Chairman, Nkanu Local Government, and a host of others.

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