Politics
Forced friendship: Wike, Fubara in fight to finish as peace deal crumbles
Fubara, on his part, broke his silence on Wednesday, April 3, as he promised to surprise his detractors if they dared him, referring to those stampeding him to implement all the items in the eight-point presidential proclamation.
But before the 2023 general election, the love between Fubara, the then Accountant-General of Rivers State, and Wike, then sitting governor, was, to say the least, deep and cordial. Among other considerations, Wike ruffled feathers within his camp, picked Fubara singlehandedly, and made him the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party in the build-up to the election.
Wike’s preference for Fubara, as believed in some quarters, was to ensure that his tracks for the eight years he governed the state were covered and for him to continue his hold on the state and keep his political structure intact.
Wike had his way and Fubara emerged the winner of the governorship election in the state and was sworn in accordingly on May 29, 2023. Barely five to six months into the new administration, things started turning awry between the successor and predecessor, who was appointed Minister of the Federal Capital Territory by President Tinubu.
When Fubara became Governor, Wike ensured that seven commissioners who served under him were reappointed by Fubara. Not only that, they indeed retained the same positions in the new cabinet. He was alleged to have supervised all subsequent appointments in the new administration and called the shots on other salient issues bothering governance in the state. At some point, the situation did not go down well with Fubara, seen then as a loyal political godson, until the treatment he was getting became a mouthful.
Before the crisis, anytime the FCT Minister would visit Rivers, Fubara would have been at the Port Harcourt International Airport to welcome him and lead him to his abode; with the two political leaders seen together at many state functions. Months down the line, however, their relationship became frosty to the extent that the two political leaders stopped seeing eyeball to eyeball, let alone sitting together at state functions.
A case in point was in late October 2023 during the annual summit of the Nigerian Bar Association Young Lawyers Forum in Port Harcourt, held at the Justice Mary Odili Judicial Institute, where the FCT Minister delivered a lecture. At that event, with the theme: ‘Breaking Barriers: Creating Future Leaders in Nigeria from the Present and Next Generation of Young Lawyers’, Governor Fubara, who was to present the keynote address, was represented by the Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Prof. Zacchaeus Adangor, SAN.
Also in November 2023 during the unveiling of a book titled ‘Law and Society: ‘A Compendium of Speeches and Addresses’ written by the then outgoing Chairman of the Rivers State University Governing Council and Pro-Chancellor, Justice Iche Ndu, (retd) in Port Harcourt, Wike attended as the special guest of honour, while Fubara, who was the chief host and visitor to the University, was visibly absent. Sundry occasions point to the no love lost between ‘godfather and godson’ as it were.
Though these were a prelude to the main show, the would-be crisis, which some keen watchers of political events in the state predicted rightly, reached the rooftop when it was speculated in the camp of the FCT Minister that Fubara was hobnobbing with some known political foes of Wike, including the PDP presidential candidate in the 2023 general election, Atiku Abubakar and members of his then-campaign organisation in Rivers State who fell out of favour with the former Governor for pitching their tent with Atiku in the 2023 election.
To give vent to their claims, within the same period, Fubara visited Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa State and Godwin Obaseki of Edo State, both notably known for not supporting Wike’s bid to be the PDP vice-presidential standard-bearer for the election.
A few weeks afterwards, the state was thrown into crisis with the attempt by 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly said to be loyal to the FCT Minister to commence the impeachment process against Fubara, which came after the bombing of the hallowed chamber of the state legislature. Wike had alleged that there was a plot to change the leadership of the Assembly, precisely to remove his kinsman and Speaker of the House, Honourable Martin Amaewhule, saying whoever wants to do that ‘will go first’, as he pointed out that he will not allow anyone to hijack the political structure which he had toiled over the years to build in the state.
While welcoming governors elected on the platform of the PDP in his office in Abuja, Wike commented for the first time on the feud between the State Assembly and the Governor, saying he would not allow anyone to intimidate him. He added, “They have talked about the crisis in Rivers State. Let me tell anybody who cares that nobody can intimidate me. It does not matter whether you go and bring thugs, or you say you are Ijaw. If I want to do something I will do it. Impeachment is not a military coup, it is provided for under the Constitution.”
The intervention of President Tinubu ushered in what some political pundits describe as a ‘first aid peace’ in the state because, according to them, the eight-point resolution put before the feuding parties mainly favoured his appointee, the FCT Minister, leaving the incumbent governor between a rock and hard place, though Wike on many occasions disagreed that he was favoured as he declared Fubara as the greatest beneficiary of the President’s intervention, with the resolution leading to the withdrawal of the impeachment process against the governor by the state House of Assembly.
Fubara too, on his return from the Abuja treaty, started implementing the agreements, including the re-appointment of the nine pro-Wike commissioners who resigned their positions in the heat of the crisis and payment of the withheld entitlements of the lawmakers, who had, in the spirit of the agreement, withdrawn the impeachment proceedings.
The issue of re-presentation of the 2024 Appropriation Bill, which was hurriedly passed by four lawmakers led by the factional speaker, Edison Ehie and Governor Fubara signing it into law 24 hours after presentation, has yet unresolved as it is now a subject of litigation, following suits filed by some Rivers elders, one led by the pioneer spokesman of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, High Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe and the Rivers State Civil Society Organisation, led by its Chairman, Eneefa Georgewill.
The pro-Wike lawmakers have continued to make life difficult for Governor Fubara by vetoing him, amending and enacting laws without his assent, notably the Rivers State Local Government Law and the State Advertisement and Signage Law, which whittle down the powers of the Governor if implemented. The recent threat by the 27 lawmakers to resume impeachment proceedings against the Governor lends credence to the deepening crisis between the two parties.
Before Wike’s recent outburst where he ruled out the possibility of any reconciliation with Fubara, he had previously expressed disappointment at the conduct of his successor, saying he did not like ingrates and that ‘money’ and ‘power’ will always reveal the true nature of a person.
And, during his recent media chat, Wike took a swipe at Fubara and some PDP leaders in the state, including former Minister of Transport, Dr Abiye Sekibo; Celestine Omehia, Senator Lee Maeba and former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Chief Austin Okpara.
A Port Harcourt-based public affairs analyst, Dr Kennedy Wakama, puts it succinctly that the statement by the FCT Minister signaled the collapse of the peace brokered by the President between Wike and Fubara, noting that it was a tale of two leaders trying to build their political dynasty.
Fubara, who had maintained silence even in the face of the fresh impeachment threat, finally drew the line. While commenting on the peace pact during a meeting with members of the National Union of Local Government Employees at the Government House, Port Harcourt, on April 3, Fubara made a veiled reference and warned his traducers thus, ‘If you dare me I will surprise you’.
The governor explained that he had been inundated with several comments in the media about the implementation of the peace initiative and had chosen to be silent out of maturity and wisdom.
The governor said: “Let me say it here for record purposes: What is happening here in our dear state is somebody who has respect for an elder. Mr President invited all the parties to Abuja and came out with a resolution that we should go and implement. That resolution, I am implementing. It is not a constitutional implementation. It is a political solution to a problem. And I am doing it because of the respect I have for Mr President. But, let me say it here, if that action that I have accepted to take is seen as a weakness, I will surprise them. I want this message to go to them.”
Fubara said he had since then commenced implementation of the agreement, solely because of his respect for President Tinubu, but cautioned that it appears that other political actors have taken his humility and compliance as a sign of weakness.
While urging the NULGE members and people of the state to continue to support his administration, show understanding over actions taken, and peacefully obey the rules, he threw another salvo: “When you are doing what is right, I will stand by you. Nobody, whether full or half, is going to intimidate you. Brace up, I say brace up, because the next step, it will be fire for fire in Rivers State. Everything will be implemented.”
In another show of strength, Fubara, the next day, while flagging off the Port Harcourt International Automobile Spare Parts Trading and Commercial Centre project in Iriebe in Obio/Akpo LGA, Rivers State, said, “You can see how restless they have been since I made just one statement, yesterday. We will continue to make them restless. They won’t know where we are coming from. We will also continue to hit them hard the way we hit them yesterday.”
Like a ding-dong affair, reactions have continued to greet the Governor’s outburst. The Chairman of the State APC Caretaker Committee, Chief Tony Okocha, a day after, accused Fubara of fanning the embers of war, adding that his comments were disrespectful to the President.
Commenting on the issue, a former Rivers State Commissioner for Information and Communications when Wike held sway as Governor, Dr Emma Okah, said the former governor should concentrate on his assignment in Abuja and allow his successor alone to work.
Okah stated, “You cannot constantly be coming here to be disturbing the peace of the state. This ordinarily you wouldn’t have taken as governor here. You would not have allowed the minister of anybody at all from outside to come and do what he is doing to the governor.
“The fact is, your tenure as governor has ended and another person has taken over. You cannot tell the person to keep enmity with people, especially when they don’t have direct problems. The best we can do as a state is to encourage the Governor to bring everybody on board.”
Dr Okah further said, “The former governor should appreciate the fact that he is no longer the governor of Rivers State. His interest should be how to support his successor to succeed. He cannot continue to act as if he does not want his successor to succeed. He is not helping the state, he is overheating the system and people are getting distracted.”
On the way forward, he said the current political crisis in the state would be over if the former governor placed the interest of the state above his interest.
“The former governor and the present governor should sit down and discuss and I’m sure in less than 30 minutes, they will be able to resolve their problems,” he said.
Some residents in the state and watchers of the unfolding events have opined that the breakdown of the peace pact is good for the state, saying the state of Rivers should not be under the control of an individual.
Already, insinuations are rife that Governor Fubara plans to use administrators to run the LGAs until such a time he considers fit to conduct the council election, especially going by the recent amendment of the Rivers State Local Government Law by the State House of Assembly, which makes provision for the extension of the tenure of the current council chairmen.
This had informed the alarm raised by the State APC caretaker committee chairman, Chief Tony Okocha, during a news briefing on April 3, where he alleged that the party had uncovered a plot by Governor Fubara to procure a court injunction to declare the State House of Assembly and the laws it enacted nay amended within the period of the crisis illegal, though Fubara’s Commissioner for Information and Communications, Joseph Johnson, described the allegation as outright falsehood.
Okocha stated, “I want to use this opportunity to inform Rivers people and Nigerians of the move by the Governor of Rivers State, Siminalayi Fubara, to procure interim court orders from judges that I may not name here, but I will put in my petition today at the National Judicial Council.
“He (Fubara) wants to procure an interim order stopping the implementation of the laws which he was vetoed over. He wants to procure an order to announce as illegal the Rivers State House of Assembly as constituted and as led by Rt. Hon. Martin Chike Amaewhule.”
While noting that the APC as a leading opposition party in the state will resist the move, he added, “These are the plans that are on and he is doing that so that he will now leverage on that order to go ahead to appoint caretaker committees in local government, against the warning of the man he says he respects, the President.”
PUNCH
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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