Politics
Alleged Corruption: FG Blasts OBJ As Opposition Backs Ex-President
The Presidency on Monday attacked former President Olusegun Obasanjo over his claim that corruption has reached a fatal stage in the country.
The Presidency also faulted Obasanjo’s call for the sacking of the Independent National Electoral Commission Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, over his conduct of the 2023 election which he described as a travesty.
However, the Peoples Democratic Party, Labour Party and the New Nigeria Peoples Party backed the elder statesman on the issue of graft, the imperative of electoral reform and other issues he raised in his keynote address at the Chinua Achebe Leadership Forum, Yale University, New Haven, United States of America, on Sunday.
In his address, ‘Leadership failure and state capture in Nigeria,’ the ex-President canvassed for shorter tenures for INEC officials and a more rigorous vetting process to prevent the appointment of partisan individuals.
He criticised President Bola Tinubu’s performance in office, asserting that corruption continues to rank among the most important problems affecting Nigerians.
The elder statesman said, “More than N700 billion in cash bribes were paid by citizens to public officials in 2023. Most bribes are paid in the street or a public official’s office.
“Private sector bribery is increasing but continues to be less prevalent than in the public sector. Corruption goes with power; therefore, to hold any useful discussion of corruption, we must first locate it where it properly belongs – in the ranks of the powerful.
“Corruption in Nigeria has passed the alarming and entered the fatal stage, and Nigeria will die if we keep pretending that she is only slightly indisposed.’’
He added, “Ranked 150 out of 180 countries in the Transparency International 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index,1 Nigeria’s ranking places it in the bottom 20 per cent of the comity of nations and illustrates how systemic and embedded corruption is in the country. It is, in my opinion, and those of many, the most serious developmental challenge to the nation.”
He insisted that the nation would continue to sink into chaos, insecurity, conflict, discord, division, disunity, depression, youth restiveness, confusion, violence, and underdevelopment as long as it is embedded in corruption.
However, in a pushback on Monday, Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, said the former President had no moral grounds to criticise INEC, having presided over what he called “the most fraudulent election held in Nigeria since 1960.”
In a statement titled, ‘Former President Obasanjo was not an ideal leader to emulate,’ Onanuga said, “It is hypocrisy writ large when a man who presided over the worst election in Nigeria demands the sack of the leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission.”
He added, “After wasting billions of naira on a failed third-term project in 2007, Chief Obasanjo hurriedly organised a sham electoral process that would go down in history as the most fraudulent election held in Nigeria since 1960.
“The beneficiary of the sham election, Umaru Yar’adua, admitted that the election was seriously flawed and, as Justice Muhammed Uwais’ panel recommended, worked towards electoral reforms.”
The Presidency argued that the former leader’s habit of casting aspersions on every subsequent administration overshadowed the expectations from an elder statesman to join a constructive dialogue on attaining national progress.
“In his latest critique of the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari, whom he pejoratively called ‘Baba Go Slow’ and President Bola Tinubu, who he tagged ‘Emilokan’, Chief Obasanjo used the platform provided by Chinua Achebe Leadership Forum at Yale University to unfurl his latest treatise on leadership and public morality. He also used the forum to write off Nigeria as a failing country.’’
“The irony of Chief Obasanjo using the platform that celebrates Achebe to sermonise on the ideals of good governance, statecraft, economic management, and corruption should be apparent to discerning minds.
“When he was alive, Chinua Achebe was a universally acclaimed moral, cultural and literary icon with scant regard for Obasanjo,” the statement added.
The Presidency cited Achebe’s rejection of the third highest national honour bestowed on him by the Obasanjo-led administration in 2004 on the grounds of the prevalence of abuse of power, corruption, poor leadership, and, in particular, “state-sponsored brigandage endorsed by Chief Obasanjo in Achebe’s home state of Anambra.”
“In rejecting the 2004 national honour by the Obasanjo administration, Achebe declared: ‘Nigeria’s condition today under your watch is…too dangerous for silence. I must register my disappointment and protest by declining to accept the high honour awarded me in the 2004 honours list,’” the statement read.
The Presidency also cited the unconstitutional impeachment of four Peoples Democratic Party governors – Joshua Dariye of Plateau, Rasheed Ladoja of Oyo, Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti and Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa.
It argued, “A man under whose watch all of these egregious infractions occurred should certainly not be the one to give any lecture on leadership and corruption.
“He should not be taken seriously as he reeks of profound hypocrisy of the worst form.”
Onanuga also suggested that Obasanjo’s self-acclaimed reputation as an economic reformer did not align with his record in office.
The statement pointed out that many challenges Obasanjo highlighted in his Yale address remain unresolved legacies of his administration.
It noted Obasanjo’s admission that his administration failed to prioritise gas development, a sector now receiving attention under the Tinubu administration.
It also acknowledged that Obasanjo’s tenure benefited from rising crude oil prices, which peaked during that period.
Still, it argued that poor economic decisions, including the hasty repayment of $15bn in Paris Club debt while neglecting critical infrastructure, laid the foundation for subsequent economic challenges.
Furthermore, Onanuga faulted Obasanjo for failing to address Nigeria’s infrastructural decay, including federal roads such as the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway and the Lagos-Abeokuta Road.
The presidential aide also accused him of undermining public universities by capitalising on their deficiencies to establish private institutions.
The Presidency contrasted this with the security sector, where it credited the Buhari administration with modernising the Armed Forces through substantial investments in equipment and strategy, a trend it claims President Tinubu has sustained.
It also linked the rise of militancy and kidnapping to Obasanjo’s administration, asserting that his tenure allowed such security issues to take root and expand.
On matters of integrity, honesty, and morality in public leadership, it said Obasanjo is “certainly not a paragon of virtue for anyone to model after.”
“Nigerians can still remember the messy public spat between Chief Obasanjo and his then-vice president, Atiku Abubakar, over PTDF money that led to a Senate Public Hearing in 2004.
“The sordid details of the public hearing included unsettling evidence of how Obasanjo instructed his Vice President to buy Sport Utility Vehicles for his mistresses with PTDF funds.
“There was also the Halliburton bribe scandal, which the US Congress probe revealed. Bribe payments were made to the highest political authorities at the Villa while Obasanjo was in charge,” the statement read.
It said Nigerians would also remember how the Obasanjo administration invested $16bn in electricity, which left the country in utter darkness.
The Presidency added, “The colossal amount spent on power was so embarrassing that President Umaru Yar’Adua, Obasanjo’s successor, ordered a probe. Similarly, Obasanjo’s privatisation programme was scandalous. It did not deliver real value for the country.
“His administration cheaply sold national assets to cronies who stripped the assets of the state-owned enterprises. A case in point was the aluminium smelter company ALSCON in Ikot-Abasi, Akwa-Ibom State, built by the military government at the princely sum of $ 3.2bn. It was sold for 130 million dollars.
“Obasanjo also sank money into Turn Around Maintenance of our refineries, which never worked, leading to the massive importation of refined petroleum products.”
Onanuga referenced accusations of gross abuse of office during Obasanjo’s tenure, pointing to a petition filed by former Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu, a member of Obasanjo’s political party, to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.
He added, “If Chief Obasanjo had addressed the many problems he critiqued in his poorly written Yale lecture when he ruled Nigeria for eight years, President Buhari and President Tinubu would have had a much lighter burden of fixing the country.
“While the Tinubu administration diligently works to overcome the country’s economic challenges, it would be better and more advisable for former President Obasanjo to temper his self-righteousness in his public discussions regarding our nation’s temporary difficulties.
“Instead, his remaining years would be better spent reflecting on the missed opportunities during his own time in leadership, both as military head of state and civilian president.”
Speaking in the same vein, the National Publicity Director of the All Progressives Congress, Bala Ibrahim, said he found it ridiculous that the former President could recommend some measures he didn’t deploy during his eight-year tenure.
As much as the former President is entitled to his opinion, Ibrahim said he could raise the issues he highlighted before the National Council of State where he is a member.
“Such suggestion can best be tabled before the National Council of State of which he is a member. It would be subjected to scrutiny and a decision would be taken in the best interest of the country.
“In his own time, he was a leader and his election was declared by INEC. Obasanjo was not known to be erratic in changing the leadership of INEC during his time. So, it would be unfair for him to suggest such changes, more so when he is gradually turning himself into an opposition.
“If it’s an issue that is of national concern, Obasanjo may have his reason. But issues like that can best be handled at the National Council of State, where he is a member,” the ruling party spokesman noted.
Corroborating the former leader, the opposition parties demanded the dismissal of the INEC boss and an overhaul of the electoral system.
The PDP said beyond the call for his sacking, people like Yakubu and other INEC officials ought to apologise to Nigerians for dashing their hopes at the polls.
In an interview with The PUNCH on Monday, the PDP Deputy National Youth Leader, Timothy Osadolor, asked the anti-corruption agencies to investigate the commission’s staff for alleged mismanagement of resources.
According to hìm, Obasanjo’s comments are a reflection of the demands of Nigerians.
He stated, “In a more honourable society, the INEC chairman would have humbly resigned on his own and apologised to Nigerians, whose trust, hopes, and expectations he dashed through his negligence and inexperience. When he was appointed, Nigerians had high expectations and truly believed he was a breath of fresh air.
“But now, after witnessing his administration’s handling of the affair within INEC, Nigerians are not only disappointed, but they also feel as though they’ve stepped back into the dark ages, where elections were sold to the highest bidder and were neither credible, free, nor fair.
“So, President Obasanjo is not saying anything new. He is simply reflecting the sentiments of Nigerians—well-meaning Nigerians—who understand that what INEC is doing now is a threat to our democracy and a recipe for anarchy if not addressed. I would advise the INEC Chairman to take this admonition seriously if he has any honour left in him.”
The National Publicity Secretary of the New Nigeria People’s Party, Ladipo Johnson, argued that Obasanjo’s comments had some merits.
“He is thorough and must have his reasons for saying what he said. In any event, it behoves Nigerians to look at the performance of INEC since 2015. Are we on an upward trajectory or are we on a downward trajectory?
“The answer is there for everybody. Except we want to continue to fool ourselves. But when an elder statesman makes a call like that, everyone has to revisit the issue and chart a way forward,” Johnson stated.
His counterpart in the Labour Party, Obiora Ifoh, equally said Obasanjo was expressing the minds of the masses, who he said had long given up on INEC.
Ifoh added that ‘’despite being given N1 billion taxpayers money’’ ahead of the 2023 poll to invest in election technology through iREV (INEC Result Viewing portal) and BVAS ( Bimodal Voter Accreditation System), Nigerians found it appalling that the facilities were not effectively deployed for the elections.
He said, “It is a crime against the Nigerian masses. Obasanjo is someone who speaks truth to power. He is also known not to mince his words. He lives among the poor in his Ota farm settlement. So, he understands what people are going through.
“Those men at the leadership of INEC are still in office because this is Nigeria. In a developed democracy, they would have resigned a long time ago. But look at them just sitting in their offices comfortably.
“To make things worse, the judiciary is supporting them. Even in this last election in Ondo State, the President was telling those who were not content with the result to go to court. They are now making our courts look pedestrian because they know if you go to court, they will buy out the judgment.”
“So, the former President has said it all. I don’t think INEC has done well at all. They have done a disservice to this nation. The ridiculous economy we are having today is as a result of their action,” he stated.
PUNCH
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
No fewer than 10 state governors and former governors are actively working to replace incumbent senators ahead of the 2027 general elections, in what appears to be a sweeping political realignment reshaping Nigeria’s legislative landscape.
The sitting governors, whose tenure will expire by May 2027, are leveraging their control of party structures in their states to secure Senate tickets—largely through “consensus” arrangements.
At least 12 of Nigeria’s 36 incumbent governors are currently serving their second and final terms. Of that number, 10 will complete their constitutionally mandated eight years on May 29, 2027, setting the stage for a high-stakes political transition that is already unsettling party structures nationwide.
Eight of the affected governors are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Seyi Makinde of Oyo State belongs to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), while Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State is affiliated with the Peoples Democratic Party, contrary to earlier claims linking him to the Allied Peoples Movement.
Governors expected to complete their tenure in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Muhammadu Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa and Hope Uzodimma of Imo will also finish their second terms, their exit dates fall in January and February 2028, respectively, due to off-cycle elections. However, their extended timelines have not excluded them from early succession and Senate calculations.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu, during a meeting with the leadership of the National Assembly, rebuffed lobbying efforts by lawmakers seeking automatic return tickets ahead of the 2027 elections. Instead, he reaffirmed the authority of state governors over candidate selection in their respective states.
Sources familiar with the meeting revealed that senators had approached the President to seek assurances for automatic tickets.
“The meeting was to plead for automatic tickets, but the President insisted that governors, as party leaders in their states, must have a decisive say on who gets the ticket,” a source disclosed.
Less than 24 hours later, Tinubu convened another meeting with APC governors, where he reportedly gave them a free hand to conduct party primaries in accordance with the Electoral Act—either through consensus or direct primaries.
Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago confirmed this, stating that the President had effectively empowered governors to drive the primaries process.
Investigations across several states—including Yobe, Nasarawa, Adamawa, Ogun, Gombe, Bauchi, Kwara, and Imo—indicate a growing pattern in which party stakeholders endorse governors or their preferred candidates as sole contenders. In many cases, rivals are pressured to step aside, while primaries are either avoided or reduced to mere formalities.
In Yobe State, Senator Musa Mustapha (Yobe East) stepped aside to support Governor Mai Mala Buni after a stakeholders’ meeting in Damaturu. He also withdrew from the governorship race, pledging full loyalty to party leadership decisions.
Similarly, in Gombe State, former governor and Senator Danjuma Goje lost his bid for a fifth term following a zoning arrangement favouring a candidate aligned with Governor Yahaya.
In Imo State, Governor Hope Uzodimma has been endorsed as the consensus candidate for Imo West, despite the interest of incumbent Senator Osita Izunaso. The move has triggered tension, with former governor Rochas Okorocha also entering the race.
In Ogun State, the consensus model has broken down into open conflict, as Governor Dapo Abiodun’s Senate ambition has put him at odds with incumbent Senator Gbenga Daniel.
In Adamawa, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri has emerged as the consensus candidate for Adamawa North, with the incumbent senator stepping aside in his favour.
Similar developments have been recorded in Nasarawa, Kwara, Delta, and Kogi states, where governors and former governors are positioning themselves to take over Senate seats—often displacing incumbents.
Meanwhile, in Cross River State, former governor Ben Ayade revealed he had been asked to drop his Senate ambition following high-level consultations, a decision he described as painful and unjust.
-
News1 day ago“Go and Verify”: How Sunday Umeha Is Redefining Representation in Ezeagu/Udi
-
Politics4 days ago
Mass exodus: Obi, Kwankwaso exit rocks ADC, 18 lawmakers join NDC
-
News1 day ago
Chief Sir Paul Chukwuma Lays His Beloved Sister to Rest
-
Politics2 days ago
Anambra Communities Boil As Group Carpets Traditional Rulers Over Zoning
-
News3 days agoEnugu, SSDO advance domestic resource mobilisation for climate responsive budgeting
-
Politics4 days ago
2027: Akpabio Moves to Block Ex-Governors from Contesting for Senate President
-
Crime3 days agoAnambra Police Burst Gunmen Armoury in Orumba
-
News2 days ago2027: Anambra ADC Intact Despite Obi, Kwankwaso Departure – Guber Candidate