Politics
Crisis: Kaduna going the way of Rivers, reconciling El-Rufai, Gov Sani waste Of Time – Shehu Sani
The unfolding events in Kaduna State today align with a prediction I made some time ago. I foresaw a day like this, a day of reckoning for the state and its people.
When the former governor, Nasir el-Rufai requested a $350 million loan, it became crucial for the public to understand the origins of this money.
By coincidence or fate, I was the chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign and Local Debts when the request for the $350 million loan for Kaduna State came to my committee.
Nigeria’s Debt Management Act stipulates that when considering a loan application, we ask several questions like: How much is being borrowed? What will the money be used for? How will the loan be repaid? Will servicing this debt affect the state’s finances and activities? What is the level of transparency in managing the funds?
When the Kaduna team appeared before the Senate to defend the loan request, they failed to provide satisfactory answers to these questions. Their only response was that they wanted to borrow $350 million. Additionally, the governor continually insulted and attacked the Senate, particularly me and my committee, which raised concerns about his motives and intentions.
Was this faceoff with the former governor before the rejection or after?
Before the rejection, we had political and other issues that stemmed from how he was running the state. The demolition of homes and mass sack were at variance to what we promised, but let’s zero in on the funds. We went through the internally generated revenue of Kaduna State and the federal allocation. We tallied it to the point that if this money was given to Kaduna State, there would be issues with the payment.
Then they arranged it in such a way that he (El-Rufai) would borrow the money and use it while payment would begin a month after he left office.
Do you think this loan was strategically designed, or was it the natural way it could have been structured?
Well, it seemed that was how it was designed. As I examined the details, it became clear that the state would struggle to repay the loan without other institutions suffering. Additionally, there was lack of transparency in how the loan would be managed. The document indicated that only three people would oversee the management of the fund, raising concerns about the potential impact on other services.
After a careful deliberation, our committee concluded that approving this loan would lead the state into a serious financial crisis. I foresaw that the problems would not immediately arise but would instead emerge after El-Rufai left office, coinciding with the start of the loan repayment period. Repayment would begin a month after he left office.
Furthermore, I predicted that if we started repaying the loan, it would be deducted from our federal allocation as a state, which, coupled with the natural depreciation of the national currency against the dollar, would exacerbate the financial burden.
Despite facing pressure and threats, including the risk of losing my seat as a senator, I chose to oppose the loan. I presented the facts to other senators from Kaduna State, including Suleiman Hunkuyi and Danjuma Laah, who also agreed that the loan should not be approved.
Ultimately, after presenting our case to the larger house and a thorough debate, the loan request was rejected. And from there, the battle line was drawn.
The issue of debt is not limited to Kaduna. Every Nigerian is aware of the reasons behind the quadrupling of debt servicing. The forex crisis in the country has significantly contributed to this situation. If the naira was still valued at N400 to a dollar, Governor Uba Sani might not be complaining. However, the fact that it has tripled has consumed all that was supposed to be left for development. This is a national issue; even the federal government is struggling to pay off about N10 trillion, just to service about N100 trillion in loans. Some may argue that it was just a coincidence, not by design, that these loans were taken. Perhaps the parameters used by the former governor were that the state would be able to pay off these loans. What do you think?
When you are involved in governance, it is crucial to be able to forecast future events. Kaduna State is currently facing the consequences of past mistakes. Even without the naira depreciating, the state government cannot service a $350 million loan based on federal allocations and internally generated revenue (IGR) alone.
There are reports that N20 billion was withdrawn shortly before the handover, tied to IGR and at a high interest rate, suggesting a deliberate attempt to cripple the state’s finances. This pattern is not unique to the former Kaduna governor as many others have similar attitudes of spending extravagantly during their tenures, leaving behind financial burdens for their successors.
At the national level, if former President Buhari had removed the subsidy in 2015, Nigeria might not have found itself in its current crisis. Buhari had significant popular support and trust, which could have helped mitigate the fallout. In contrast, Tinubu does not command the same level of fervent support. Some people are so devoted to Buhari that they would be willing to die for him, and his words hold great influence. If he had removed the subsidy earlier, the current situation might have been different.
I am not justifying or condemning the removal of fuel subsidies, I am acknowledging that it has happened and that we are currently experiencing its consequences.
Regarding Kaduna State, it is clear that regardless of the naira’s value, the state cannot service a $350 million loan. The decision-makers perhaps overlooked the fact that Kaduna, like many states in northern Nigeria, relies heavily on federal allocations for its development, as it is not an oil-producing state with a strong industrial base. This situation highlights the need for careful consideration and planning when making financial decisions that can impact the long-term sustainability of states and the country as a whole.
The call for a probe to unravel the true picture of spending in Kaduna State seems to be gaining momentum, especially given the current financial challenges. Many are advocating that the current governor set up a committee of experts to scrutinise the books, and if necessary, ensure that cases of diversion are addressed, including possible refund. What is your position on this? Also, what do you make of the past governor’s silence in the wake of this controversy?
I know the current governor, and I have always said that El-Rufai doesn’t know who Uba Sani is. He knows him from 2003 to 2023, but he doesn’t know him. I have never gone to bed without the thought that a day like this would come because nobody in the whole of Kaduna State knows the governor more than I do; and nobody knows me more than he does, so I knew that this day would come.
I can predict that it is not just that El-Rufai doesn’t want to talk, he is studying the situation to know whether the attack is actually coming from Kaduna State or Abuja. That is my speculation.
In the case of River State, you can see that Wike talks but Fubara doesn’t, but in the case of Kaduna, it is the other way around, and this one did not attack the other person; he simply stated the record on the ground.
And by bringing that to the open, I know that when his friend will respond, he is not going to direct his missiles only to the governor of the state, he is going to direct them to Abuja. And I can tell you in clear terms that with this, a battle line has been drawn and it is going to continue until the end of the tenure of this administration. So anybody who wants to reconcile A and B is simply wasting his time; nothing is going to happen.
What then can be done to salvage the situation from degenerating into an all-out war?
First of all, the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has to help Kaduna State, if not, our people will seriously suffer. He has to help us get out of this debt.
The most important thing is that the governor must have the courage to set up a panel of inquiry that will invite government officials who have left office, as well as contractors, to scrutinise this debt and see how much we can recover from those who have either run away, refused to do the job or left abandoned projects, as well as government officials who also enriched themselves from Kaduna State’s resources. This is what we need to do.
Daily Trust
By PETRUS OBI
Frontline aspirant for the Aninri/Awgu/Oji-River Federal Constituency seat, Anayo Onwuegbu, has successfully completed the screening exercise conducted by the All Progressives Congress House of Representatives screening panel in Abuja ahead of the party primaries scheduled for Friday, May 15, 2026.
Speaking after the exercise, Onwuegbu expressed satisfaction with the screening process, describing it as a reflection of the party’s commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and credible leadership selection ahead of the 2027 general elections.
The aspirant, who is seeking to represent Aninri/Awgu/Oji-River Federal Constituency under the platform of the APC, stated that he remains focused and prepared to continue to offer quality representation to the people of the constituency.
According to him, “The process once again highlights our party’s commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and the emergence of credible leadership as we prepare for the 2027 general elections.”
He reaffirmed his dedication to the development of the constituency, pledging to serve the people with commitment and purpose if elected.
The APC House of Representatives primaries are expected to hold nationwide on Friday as aspirants battle for the party’s tickets ahead of the 2027 elections.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
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