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Crisis: Kaduna going the way of Rivers, reconciling El-Rufai, Gov Sani waste Of Time – Shehu Sani

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Senator Shehu Sani, who represented Kaduna Central in the ninth National Assembly, was the chairman of the Senate Committee on Local and Foreign Debts when the upper chamber rejected the initial loan request by the Kaduna State Government under the immediate past governor, Nasir el-Rufai. It is believed in several quarters that this action, among others, contributed to his failed attempt to return to the Senate in 2019. In this interview with Trust TV’s Daily Politics, Shehu Sani said any effort to reconcile Governor Sani and his predecessor, El-Rufai may be a waste of time.
The concerns regarding the $350 million loan requested by a former Kaduna State governor, Nasir el-Rufai were significant. When you and your colleagues at the National Assembly declined the loan, it sparked controversy, with some labelling you as enemies of Kaduna State’s progress. Now, with Governor Uba Sani revealing that Kaduna State is struggling to pay salaries due to this loan and others, do you feel vindicated in your decision?

The unfolding events in Kaduna State today align with a prediction I made some time ago. I foresaw a day like this, a day of reckoning for the state and its people.

When the former governor, Nasir el-Rufai requested a $350 million loan, it became crucial for the public to understand the origins of this money.

Former Minister of Finance, Kemi Adeosun played a key role in securing a World Bank loan for two states – her home state, Ogun and Kaduna. These requests were presented to the National Assembly by the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.

By coincidence or fate, I was the chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign and Local Debts when the request for the $350 million loan for Kaduna State came to my committee.

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Nigeria’s Debt Management Act stipulates that when considering a loan application, we ask several questions like: How much is being borrowed? What will the money be used for? How will the loan be repaid? Will servicing this debt affect the state’s finances and activities? What is the level of transparency in managing the funds?

When the Kaduna team appeared before the Senate to defend the loan request, they failed to provide satisfactory answers to these questions. Their only response was that they wanted to borrow $350 million. Additionally, the governor continually insulted and attacked the Senate, particularly me and my committee, which raised concerns about his motives and intentions.

Was this faceoff with the former governor before the rejection or after?

Before the rejection, we had political and other issues that stemmed from how he was running the state. The demolition of homes and mass sack were at variance to what we promised, but let’s zero in on the funds. We went through the internally generated revenue of Kaduna State and the federal allocation. We tallied it to the point that if this money was given to Kaduna State, there would be issues with the payment.

Then they arranged it in such a way that he (El-Rufai) would borrow the money and use it while payment would begin a month after he left office.

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Do you think this loan was strategically designed, or was it the natural way it could have been structured?

Well, it seemed that was how it was designed. As I examined the details, it became clear that the state would struggle to repay the loan without other institutions suffering. Additionally, there was lack of transparency in how the loan would be managed. The document indicated that only three people would oversee the management of the fund, raising concerns about the potential impact on other services.

After a careful deliberation, our committee concluded that approving this loan would lead the state into a serious financial crisis. I foresaw that the problems would not immediately arise but would instead emerge after El-Rufai left office, coinciding with the start of the loan repayment period. Repayment would begin a month after he left office.

Furthermore, I predicted that if we started repaying the loan, it would be deducted from our federal allocation as a state, which, coupled with the natural depreciation of the national currency against the dollar, would exacerbate the financial burden.

Despite facing pressure and threats, including the risk of losing my seat as a senator, I chose to oppose the loan. I presented the facts to other senators from Kaduna State, including Suleiman Hunkuyi and Danjuma Laah, who also agreed that the loan should not be approved.

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Ultimately, after presenting our case to the larger house and a thorough debate, the loan request was rejected. And from there, the battle line was drawn.

The issue of debt is not limited to Kaduna. Every Nigerian is aware of the reasons behind the quadrupling of debt servicing. The forex crisis in the country has significantly contributed to this situation. If the naira was still valued at N400 to a dollar, Governor Uba Sani might not be complaining. However, the fact that it has tripled has consumed all that was supposed to be left for development. This is a national issue; even the federal government is struggling to pay off about N10 trillion, just to service about N100 trillion in loans. Some may argue that it was just a coincidence, not by design, that these loans were taken. Perhaps the parameters used by the former governor were that the state would be able to pay off these loans. What do you think?

When you are involved in governance, it is crucial to be able to forecast future events. Kaduna State is currently facing the consequences of past mistakes. Even without the naira depreciating, the state government cannot service a $350 million loan based on federal allocations and internally generated revenue (IGR) alone.

There are reports that N20 billion was withdrawn shortly before the handover, tied to IGR and at a high interest rate, suggesting a deliberate attempt to cripple the state’s finances. This pattern is not unique to the former Kaduna governor as many others have similar attitudes of spending extravagantly during their tenures, leaving behind financial burdens for their successors.

At the national level, if former President Buhari had removed the subsidy in 2015, Nigeria might not have found itself in its current crisis. Buhari had significant popular support and trust, which could have helped mitigate the fallout. In contrast, Tinubu does not command the same level of fervent support. Some people are so devoted to Buhari that they would be willing to die for him, and his words hold great influence. If he had removed the subsidy earlier, the current situation might have been different.

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I am not justifying or condemning the removal of fuel subsidies, I am acknowledging that it has happened and that we are currently experiencing its consequences.

Regarding Kaduna State, it is clear that regardless of the naira’s value, the state cannot service a $350 million loan. The decision-makers perhaps overlooked the fact that Kaduna, like many states in northern Nigeria, relies heavily on federal allocations for its development, as it is not an oil-producing state with a strong industrial base. This situation highlights the need for careful consideration and planning when making financial decisions that can impact the long-term sustainability of states and the country as a whole.

The call for a probe to unravel the true picture of spending in Kaduna State seems to be gaining momentum, especially given the current financial challenges. Many are advocating that the current governor set up a committee of experts to scrutinise the books, and if necessary, ensure that cases of diversion are addressed, including possible refund. What is your position on this? Also, what do you make of the past governor’s silence in the wake of this controversy?

I know the current governor, and I have always said that El-Rufai doesn’t know who Uba Sani is. He knows him from 2003 to 2023, but he doesn’t know him. I have never gone to bed without the thought that a day like this would come because nobody in the whole of Kaduna State knows the governor more than I do; and nobody knows me more than he does, so I knew that this day would come.

I can predict that it is not just that El-Rufai doesn’t want to talk, he is studying the situation to know whether the attack is actually coming from Kaduna State or Abuja. That is my speculation.

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In the case of River State, you can see that Wike talks but Fubara doesn’t, but in the case of Kaduna, it is the other way around, and this one did not attack the other person; he simply stated the record on the ground.

And by bringing that to the open, I know that when his friend will respond, he is not going to direct his missiles only to the governor of the state, he is going to direct them to Abuja. And I can tell you in clear terms that with this, a battle line has been drawn and it is going to continue until the end of the tenure of this administration. So anybody who wants to reconcile A and B is simply wasting his time; nothing is going to happen.

What then can be done to salvage the situation from degenerating into an all-out war?

First of all, the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has to help Kaduna State, if not, our people will seriously suffer. He has to help us get out of this debt.

The most important thing is that the governor must have the courage to set up a panel of inquiry that will invite government officials who have left office, as well as contractors, to scrutinise this debt and see how much we can recover from those who have either run away, refused to do the job or left abandoned projects, as well as government officials who also enriched themselves from Kaduna State’s resources. This is what we need to do.

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Obi Blasts Umahi: ‘You’re Not Qualified to Play on the Big Stage, Sorry Brother’

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The Presidential Candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peter Obi, has dismissed a public debate challenge from the Minister of Works, Dave Umahi, saying the minister must first become a presidential candidate before seeking such an engagement.

Obi made the remark during an interview with media entrepreneur Chude Jideonwo, where he responded to Umahi’s challenge following his criticism of the condition of Nigerian road.

The former Anambra State governor argued that presidential debates are reserved for candidates seeking the nation’s highest office, insisting that Umahi does not fit that category.

According to Obi, the controversy over the poor state of the roads had already produced results, noting that his criticism prompted repairs.

“If he is inviting me to a debate as a presidential candidate, then he has to become a presidential candidate first,” Obi said.

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Drawing an analogy with international football, the NDC presidential flagbearer likened Umahi’s challenge to a team that failed to qualify for the FIFA World Cup inviting a qualified team to a match.“The World Cup is going on now. You cannot stay outside and invite a team that qualified for the World Cup to come and play against you simply because you think you are good. No. There is a qualification process,” he added.

Obi maintained that leadership should be measured by performance rather than rhetoric, suggesting that the repairs carried out after his criticism underscored the importance of holding public officials accountable.

His response comes days after Umahi declared that Obi posed no political threat to President Bola Tinubu or the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), while challenging him to a public debate over the state of federal roads and infrastructure across the country.

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Keyamo’s Lies Exposed As Eyewitness Faults Claims Against Obi  

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A member of the team that accompanied the presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Mr. Peter Obi, to the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja, has challenged Aviation Minister Festus Keyamo’s account of the airport parking controversy, insisting the minister’s narrative does not relate to the incident Obi referenced.Government

Ada Ogbu, who made the clarification in a statement posted on her official X account on Saturday, was responding to Keyamo’s ultimatum demanding that Obi apologise to airport officials, pay a ₦25,000 parking fine or face action by the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN).Executive Branch

Ogbu, who described herself as an eyewitness, maintained that she was among those who accompanied Obi to the airport on Saturday, July 4, and categorically denied the minister’s claim that the politician was driven by a police officer.

“As a member of the team that accompanied His Excellency @PeterObi to the Abuja airport on Saturday, July 4, I can state categorically that he does not have a police officer as his driver in Abuja. Therefore, if airport CCTV captured a police officer entering the driver’s seat of a vehicle, that vehicle could not have been Mr. Obi’s,” she stated.

She further argued that the incident highlighted by Keyamo was different from the one Obi narrated during his interview with media personality Chude Jideonwo.

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According to her, Obi’s frequent travels across the country have exposed him and his aides to repeated hostile treatment by airport personnel.Government

“It is also important to note that Mr. Obi travels through as many as ten Nigerian airports every week. Over time, there have been several acts of hostility directed at him and members of his team by airport personnel across different locations,” Ogbu said.

She concluded that the aviation minister had referenced an entirely separate incident.

“Based on the account shared by the Honourable Minister, it is clear that the incident Mr. Obi referenced during his interview with @Chude did not occur on the date or at the airport cited by the Minister. They are plainly two different incidents.”

Her reaction comes hours after Keyamo released CCTV-based findings from an internal inquiry into the airport incident, insisting Obi must publicly apologise to airport workers and pay the prescribed parking fine within one week or risk further action by FAAN.

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2027: Shettima retained as running mate as parties race to meet INEC deadline

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President Bola Tinubu on Friday formally retained Vice President Kashim Shettima as his running mate for the 2027 presidential election.

This was as political parties made last-minute moves to beat the Independent National Electoral Commission’s deadline for the submission of presidential and National Assembly candidates.

The ruling All Progressives Congress presented the nomination forms of Tinubu and Shettima to its National Chairman, Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, in Abuja for onward transmission to INEC, effectively ending months of speculation that the President could replace his deputy with a northern Christian.

The development came as INEC confirmed that it had received the presidential and vice-presidential nominations of the African Democratic Congress, Nigeria Democratic Congress, Social Democratic Party, Action Alliance, African Action Congress, Peoples Redemption Party and Young Progressives Party.

Meanwhile, several other political parties continued uploading the names of their candidates ahead of the commission’s Saturday midnight deadline.

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The electoral commission had fixed July 11, 2026, as the deadline for political parties to upload the nomination forms of their presidential and National Assembly candidates through its online nomination portal in accordance with Section 29(1) of the Electoral Act, 2026.

The submission exercise, which commenced on June 27, covers Forms EC9 and EC9A to EC9E for presidential, vice-presidential, Senate and House of Representatives candidates.

According to the timetable released by the commission, political parties are expected to begin uploading the names of governorship and State House of Assembly candidates from July 18, with the exercise ending on August 8.

INEC is scheduled to publish the personal particulars of presidential and National Assembly candidates on August 1, while those of governorship and state assembly candidates will be displayed on August 29 to allow members of the public raise objections where necessary.

The commission also fixed August 22 as the deadline for the withdrawal and substitution of presidential and National Assembly candidates, while governorship and state assembly candidates have until September 19 for withdrawal or replacement in line with the provisions of the Electoral Act.

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The July 11 deadline marks one of the most critical stages in the build-up to the 2027 general elections, as only candidates validly nominated by political parties through primaries monitored by INEC are eligible for submission.

The commission had repeatedly warned political parties against submitting the names of candidates different from those who emerged from duly monitored primaries, insisting that any nomination outside the provisions of the Electoral Act and its regulations would be rejected.

Against this backdrop, the APC used Friday’s presentation ceremony to publicly affirm its presidential ticket, signalling that it would head into the 2027 contest without altering the Muslim-Muslim ticket that secured victory in the 2023 presidential election.

Following President Tinubu’s emergence as the APC’s presidential candidate during the party’s convention, political discussions had intensified over whether the President would retain Shettima or opt for another running mate to broaden the party’s electoral appeal.

Those speculations gathered momentum in recent months amid reports that the ruling party was considering a northern Christian as vice-presidential candidate to address concerns over religious balancing.

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Friday’s submission, however, ended the uncertainty, with the APC formally presenting Tinubu and Shettima as its flag bearers for the 2027 election.

The nomination documents were presented on behalf of the President by his Special Adviser on Political Matters, Ibrahim Masari, during a ceremony attended by members of the Progressive Governors’ Forum, the National Assembly, the Federal Executive Council, the APC National Working Committee, state chairmen of the party and APC governorship candidates.

Earlier, the APC National Organising Secretary, Sulaiman Argungu, described the event as the formal presentation of the duly completed nomination forms of the party’s presidential and vice-presidential candidates.

Argungu noted that President Tinubu had earlier secured the party’s presidential ticket through what he described as a transparent primary election, and urged party members to remain united ahead of the 2027 polls.

He also commended the President for what he described as the achievements of his administration before formally handing over the nomination documents to the APC National Chairman for onward submission to INEC.

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Speaking on behalf of APC governors, Imo State Governor, Senator Hope Uzodimma, reaffirmed the governors’ support for President Tinubu and the party leadership.

“We are delighted that this event is coming after a well-organised and thoroughly supervised primary process. We reiterate our commitment to continue supporting President Tinubu and the party,” he said.

Uzodimma said the APC remained committed to internal democracy and inclusiveness, adding that the governors would continue mobilising support for the President across the country.

“We will continue to support him in the larger interest of Nigerians and to take the country to greater heights. To the National Working Committee, we reaffirm our support. Together, we are going to deliver victory for President Tinubu and ensure the party wins all elective positions, including the National and State Assemblies,” he added.

Receiving the nomination forms, APC National Chairman, Prof. Yilwatda, described the event as a reflection of the confidence reposed in President Tinubu by millions of party members across the country.

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According to him, the President’s endorsement by members of the party demonstrated widespread support for his administration and its policies.

He stated, “Today is a reflection of the wishes of over 12 million members of the APC who overwhelmingly voted for Mr. President as the party’s candidate for the 2027 presidential election. We are proud that APC members across the country cast over 12 million votes for Mr. President and overwhelmingly endorsed him.

“I am sure that, together with members of the public who are APC sympathisers, friends of the party, and beneficiaries of the programmes of Mr. President, they will overwhelmingly vote for him. I can’t imagine the over 1.5 million students who are receiving student loans. They have families and friends, and they are part of a larger group that will overwhelmingly vote for Mr. President for supporting their education.”
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Obi: Adeboye Is Right, Tinubu Has Tried His Best

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National Democratic Congress (NDC) presidential candidate, Peter Obi, has responded to recent remarks by the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, , agreeing that President Bola Tinubu has done his best to address Nigeria’s security challenges but arguing that his best is no longer enough.
Obi made the remarks during an interview with Chude Jideonwo, uploaded on YouTube on Thursday, while explaining why Nigerians should support his presidential ambition over other opposition candidates.
Asked why he should be elected president, Obi urged Nigerians to evaluate his past record alongside his current vision for the country.
“It’s for you to look at my past and look at what I’m saying now,” he said.
Responding to Adeboye’s recent comments on Tinubu’s handling of insecurity, Obi described the respected cleric as a sincere and credible religious leader whose assessment was fair.
“Somebody asked me yesterday, they said that Pastor Adeboye said Tinubu has tried his best and he’s not happy. And I said, no, Pastor Adeboye remains a very revered, respected religious father, whom I believe in his genuineness and goodness.
“And what he said was correct. He said he has tried his best. He’s trying his best. That’s it. It’s the correct answer.
“The question to ask is: Is his best good enough? Where we find ourselves today, that leads to the issue of capacity.”
Obi maintained that effective leadership is defined by competence, capacity, compassion, commitment and character, arguing that Nigeria’s persistent security challenges demonstrate the need for a leadership change.
“When I talk about leadership, I say competence, capacity, compassion, commitment, character. These are the issues. President Tinubu is tired. He needs to go home and rest,” Obi said.
Adeboye had earlier defended President Tinubu against criticisms over worsening insecurity during the US-Nigeria Faith Heroes Award Gala organised by the Save Nigeria Group in Washington, D.C., on June 23.
The cleric argued that the President had fulfilled his responsibility by issuing directives to the military, stressing that a commander-in-chief was not expected to personally participate in combat operations.
“I don’t support those who are accusing the President of not doing enough. When the commander-in-chief has given instructions to his subordinates, he has done his bit. You don’t expect him to go and put on khaki and fight,” Adeboye said.
Despite defending the President’s role, Adeboye expressed concern over the deteriorating security situation, noting that terrorism and kidnapping had spread beyond northern Nigeria into the southern parts of the country.
He also revealed that he advised the President to issue a 90-day ultimatum to military commanders to either end the insecurity or resign, while urging the government to identify and prosecute those sponsoring terrorist activities.

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Nwifuru’s Quiet Politics Faces Its Biggest Test as the 2027 Battle Takes Shape

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By PETRUS OBI
For more than three years, Governor Francis Nwifuru of Ebonyi State has pursued a political strategy that stands out in Nigeria’s often turbulent succession politics.
Rather than engaging in public confrontation with his predecessor, Engr Dave Umahi, he has consistently chosen restraint, patience and consensus-building.
That approach has helped preserve political stability in Ebonyi.
Unlike many successor administrations that descend into open conflict with former governors, Nwifuru has continued to project respect for the man who played a decisive role in his emergence as governor.
Publicly, both leaders have repeatedly affirmed their relationship and their commitment to moving the state forward.
Yet politics is often shaped less by public declarations than by the struggle for influence behind closed doors.
Across Ebonyi, there is growing speculation that a quiet contest for political supremacy is gradually unfolding between the governor and his predecessor.
While neither camp has openly acknowledged any rift, recent political developments have fuelled perceptions that both men are steadily consolidating their respective political structures ahead of the 2027 elections.
One of the most discussed examples is the “tussle for the APC ticket for the Afikpo North/Edda Federal Constituency. Governor Nwifuru was widely believed to have preferred the return of the incumbent representative, Idu Igariwey. However, the table was recently turned for the emergence of Ekumankama, who is widely seen as enjoying the backing of Umahi. This has been interpreted by many political observers as evidence that the former governor still commands considerable influence within the party.
Whether or not that interpretation is entirely accurate, the episode reinforced one political reality: while Nwifuru controls the Government House, Umahi remains one of the most influential figures in Ebonyi politics.
It is an unusual political equation. One man possesses the constitutional powers of incumbency, while the other retains an extensive political network built during eight years as governor and now occupies a strategic position in President ‘s cabinet.
Interestingly, the governor has continued to resist attempts to draw him into unnecessary political disputes.
A recent example was the controversy surrounding claims that he verbally attacked the FCT Minister Nyesom Wike duringa recentendorsementrallyforPresidentTinubu. The Ebonyi State Government swiftly dismissed the reports, accusing elements of the opposition, particularly the PDP, of deliberately twisting the governor’s remarks in an effort to create friction between the two leaders.
The response reinforced Nwifuru’s broader political style—avoiding public confrontations that could distract him from governance or create avoidable divisions within the ruling party.
Rather than escalating tensions elsewhere, Nwifuru has largely responded with silence and composure. He has neither publicly criticised his predecessor nor allowed perceived disagreements to dominate public discourse.
That restraint appears calculated. An open confrontation could fracture the APC, weaken governance and hand political opportunities to the opposition.
Instead, the governor has quietly strengthened his own political foundation. Through appointments, stakeholder engagement, consultations and the execution of projects, he has continued to expand his influence across Ebonyi’s thirteen local government areas.
Today, much of the state’s political establishment appears aligned with the governor. Members of the State Executive Council, the State House of Assembly, local government chairmen, traditional rulers, women and youth groups, and many grassroots party leaders have publicly identified with his administration. While political loyalties can evolve, incumbency remains one of the strongest advantages in Nigerian politics.
Perhaps Nwifuru’s greatest political strength is that he has largely avoided creating unnecessary enemies. In a political environment where confrontation often defines leadership, he has preferred accommodation to conflict. That has enabled him to consolidate authority steadily while maintaining an image of stability and maturity.
However, the road to 2027 may become more complicated.
As political calculations intensify, ambitions will grow, alliances may shift and competing interests within the APC could become increasingly difficult to reconcile. The governor’s greatest challenge may not be defeating the opposition but sustaining unity within a party that contains multiple centres of influence.
His relationship with Umahi will therefore remain central to Ebonyi’s political future. If both leaders continue to manage their differences privately, the APC could approach the election as a united force. If those differences become more pronounced, internal divisions—not the opposition—could emerge as the governor’s greatest political obstacle.
Beyond political calculations, governance will remain Nwifuru’s strongest campaign asset. Infrastructure, education, healthcare, agriculture, youth empowerment, security and job creation will ultimately shape public perception more than political manoeuvring. A convincing record of performance would strengthen his case for continuity and make it more difficult for opponents to gain traction.
His close relationship with President Tinubu’s administration is another advantage. Should the Federal Government continue maintaining political momentum, Nwifuru could benefit from the goodwill generated by that partnership, particularly in a state where the APC remains the dominant political force.
Still, politics rarely rewards complacency. Economic pressures, changing voter expectations, unforeseen political realignments and disagreements within the ruling party could alter today’s political calculations before 2027.
As matters stand, Governor Francis Nwifuru appears to occupy a strong position ahead of the next governorship election. He enjoys the advantages of incumbency, broad institutional support, a relatively peaceful political environment and a reputation for measured leadership.
Yet one question continues to hover over Ebonyi politics: can the governor and his influential predecessor continue to manage an increasingly delicate relationship without allowing a quiet rivalry to become an open political confrontation?
The answer may ultimately determine not only Nwifuru’s re-election prospects but also the unity of the APC in Ebonyi and the party’s ability to deliver another commanding victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the state.
For now, the battle is not being fought through fiery speeches or public attacks. It is being waged through influence, negotiations, strategic endorsements and the gradual consolidation of political structures. And in politics, the quietest contests often produce the most significant outcomes.
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