The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.

The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.

Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.

Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.

The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.

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The full list is as follows:

• Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
• Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
• Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
• Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
• Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
• Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
• Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
• Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
• Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
• Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
• Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
• Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
• Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
• Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
• Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
• Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
• Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
• Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
• Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
• Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
• Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
• Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
• Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
• Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
• Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
• Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
• Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
• Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor

The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.

ABAKALIKI — The Ebonyi Democratic Movement has petitioned the United States, the European Union and relevant European governments, seeking increased international scrutiny of political and security developments in Ebonyi State ahead of the 2027 general elections.
The group urged foreign governments to monitor the activities of Governor Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru and other individuals it said could potentially be linked to political intimidation, electoral threats or human-rights violations.
In its petition, the organisation said the governor, his immediate family members and associates could face visa denials, travel restrictions or other lawful sanctions if competent authorities independently establish evidence connecting them to conduct that falls within applicable sanctions or immigration laws.
However, the group stressed that no individual should be sanctioned solely on the basis of family relationships, political affiliation or association.
It said any decision to impose restrictions must be based on independently verified evidence, due process and the relevant laws of the country concerned.
The organisation’s concerns, according to the petition, are centred on statements allegedly made by Governor Nwifuru on June 15, 2026, and September 1, 2026.
The group argued that the statements warranted independent scrutiny because of what it described as their potential implications for political competition, civil liberties and the conduct of the 2027 elections in the state.
It called on foreign governments and diplomatic missions to consider targeted measures against individuals who are credibly established to have participated in, facilitated or supported serious electoral violence, political intimidation or human-rights violations.
The group also appealed to diplomatic missions to closely monitor political developments in Ebonyi, preserve relevant evidence and establish appropriate channels through which victims, witnesses, journalists and civil-society organisations could report credible incidents.
The petition emphasised that the proposed measures should not amount to collective punishment of the people of Ebonyi State or members of any political party.
Instead, the organisation said any sanctions or restrictions should be directed exclusively at individuals who meet the applicable legal threshold based on credible evidence.
“The democratic choice of the people must remain supreme,” the group said, urging Nigerian authorities and international institutions to take preventive measures against electoral violence before it escalates into loss of lives and property.
The Ebonyi Democratic Movement concluded its appeal with a call for the electorate’s choice to be respected.
“LET THE PEOPLE DECIDE.”

Ogbonnaya James

Zero empowerment. Zero political portfolio. Zero demonstrable political prowess. Zero independent political structure.

These are legitimate questions that deserve careful consideration when assessing Bourdex’s political aspiration and readiness for the Senate.

Politics is not merely about belonging to a political party or benefiting from the popularity of a sitting Governor. Effective political leadership should be measured by personal achievements, grassroots mobilisation, empowerment, experience, political networks, leadership capacity and the ability to influence outcomes independently.

The concern, therefore, is whether Bourdex has built sufficient independent political capital and structure to justify the aspiration, or whether his emergence is largely dependent on party influence and the political wave surrounding the Governor.

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There is absolutely nothing wrong with receiving the support of a political party or enjoying the goodwill of a popular Governor. However, political support should complement an already established political capacity; it should not become the foundation of a candidate’s entire political relevance.

The questions before the electorate are therefore straightforward:

What has Bourdex built politically on his own? Who has he empowered? What independent political structure has he established? What is his political portfolio? And what demonstrable experience and capacity does he possess to provide effective representation at the national level?

These questions are not personal attacks; they are legitimate questions of leadership capacity, preparedness and political accountability that every serious aspirant should be willing to answer.

*ABIA NORTH DESERVES A SENATOR LIKE OUK WITH NATIONAL INFLUENCE.*

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Abia North deserves a Senator whose political influence is not borrowed or dependent entirely on the strength of another politician, but built through years of political experience, national relationships, grassroots engagement and proven leadership.

This is where the candidature of OUK presents a compelling contrast. Abia North needs a Senator with the experience and national political network to command respect, open doors, influence important decisions and effectively advance the interests of the constituency at the highest level of government.

Political support is important, but effective representation requires more than party backing or electoral popularity. It requires competence, experience, political reach, negotiation capacity and the ability to convert influence into meaningful opportunities for the people.

Abia North deserves more than political packaging. It deserves substance, competence, experience, influence and proven capacity.

Come 2027, voters should look beyond political waves and examine the substance behind every aspiration. The choice should be between earned political influence and borrowed political influence; between proven capacity and political dependence; between experience and mere political positioning.

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A political wave may help a candidate during an election, but only competence, experience, independent political capacity and genuine influence can sustain effective representation.

Abia North deserves leadership with substance. Abia North deserves a Senator with national influence. *Abia North deserves a Senator like OUK.*

A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.

Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.

He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.

Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.

“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.

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“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?

“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.

Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?

According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?

Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”

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He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.

“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.

“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.

“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.

According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.

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“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.

Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.

He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.

By PETRUS OBI

Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.

It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.

At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.

Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?

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Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.

Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.

His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.

Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.

Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.

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The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.

More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.

That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?

The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.

Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.

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He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.

That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.

The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.

In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.

Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.

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That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.

The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.

Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.

There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.

Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.

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Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.

With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.

More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.

The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.

But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.

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Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.

That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.

The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.

Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.

If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.

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He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.