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Restructuring can no longer stop killings –Prof Akintoye

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The Chairman of the Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities Alliance for Self-Determination, Prof Banji Akintoye, who also heads the umbrella body for Yoruba self-determination groups, Ilana Omo Oodua, speaks to OLUFEMI OLANIYI about worsening insecurity in Nigeria, restructuring, and other sundry issues

Some Yoruba nation agitators were arrested by the police in Abeokuta nine days ago. Doesn’t this suggest that achieving your goal will be bloody?

What happened last Saturday was that a group of young men didn’t wait for their leaders to arrive and they began to do what they thought was right to do. They ought to have waited for their leaders to arrive but they were eager to go on with the rally. The police saw them and took them into custody. After that, a large crowd came and their leaders also arrived and learnt that some of their members had been arrested. So, they went there and they were released.  Two things were responsible for their release by the police and the first one is that they had no weapons on them. They were not doing or saying anything violent. When the leaders arrived at the station, the police saw that they were responsible people who were not violent in any way, so they let them go. Nothing happened in Abeokuta that suggested that our future rallies will be violent.

Do you think the Nigerian government would allow the Yoruba people to form an independent nation?

There is no country where the leaders would want to lose a part of the country they govern. Also, there is no government in the world that does not recognise that every nationality or tribe has the right to self-determination. Every government in the world, including Nigeria, is a signatory to that statement. Nigeria is a signatory to that United Nations declaration – the 2007 Declaration – that every nationality or ethnic group has a right to self-determination. That right is inalienable. It is in the constitution of the United Nations, it is in the constitution of the African Union, of which Nigeria is one of the leading signatories. They know but they don’t want any part of the countries they rule to go away. They are also aware that the people have the right to secede.

For instance, in 2016, President Muhammadu Buhari was asked for his view at the United Nations on Nigerians agitating for Biafra. He told them that if people who were agitating for Biafra would organise themselves and manage their affairs peacefully, then Nigerians would have no choice but to engage in negotiations with them. That is what international law says. But if they continue to be violent and are attacking the security personnel, the Nigerian government can go after them. Buhari said their demand for Biafra was not illegal. He said Nigeria was descending on them because they were violent. He said the government had a duty to sit down with them to negotiate.

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But do you think the problems confronting the Yoruba people will be solved by becoming an independent nation?

The most important problem we are facing now is the invasion of our land. Armed Fulani are coming daily to kill our people on their farms and rape our women, forcing a large number of our farmers to abandon farming. This is causing hunger because farming is the backbone of the economy of Yorubaland. This is our most important problem now. So, having our own country will be the only effective and final solution to that. The people coming to ravage our land claim that they have the right to our land because they are Nigerians. They have the right to reside anywhere in Nigeria but they are not coming peacefully. So, if we have our own country, we will stop the violence. Our forefathers told us to receive strangers well, to help them if they need help and by doing so, we would earn blessings from Olodumare (God). Our fathers told us these thousands of years ago and it has become part of the code of behaviours of the Yoruba people. But if any Fulani man or woman wants to stay in our land after we have become independent, as long as they renounce violence, the plot to take over our land, and are ready to settle down like other people, they are free to stay and our laws will protect them. But a large number of Fulani have been indoctrinated that the land of Nigeria belongs to them and their duty is to take it over by violence and exterminate the people. Those ones cannot be in our land. It’s impossible.

Are you worried that South-West governors and some politicians are not in support of the agitation for the Yoruba nation?

I am not worried. They are still part of Nigeria and there are people who still see their destinies as embedded in Nigeria. They belong to political parties and support the moral decadence in Nigeria. You can’t blame them, they are part of Nigeria. If we want our politicians to be separated from the rot in the system, the best thing is to separate from Nigeria.

Don’t you think the Federal Government will scuttle the self-determination move?

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They cannot scuttle it. They will make attempts but they will fail. This is something whose time has come and it’s impossible to scuttle it.

Why are many agitations across Nigeria currently?

This is happening because they are treating Nigerians the way people should never be treated. There should never be a situation where one ethnic group, large or small, will arrogate to itself a total monopoly of authority in a country. The rest of us in Nigeria feel insulted and spited by that. Under Buhari, the Fulani have taken over and made the Nigerian government their government. It is not our government anymore. The second thing is that under the cover of the Fulanisation of the Nigerian government, Fulani people have developed a doctrine that they own Nigeria and have spread it massively among their people. Their belief is that they own every inch of Nigeria and that they can go to any part of the country to kill, maim and destroy in order to take over the land. They have said they would invite Fulani people scattered across countries in West Africa to come and join them in the act of taking over the land of other people in Nigeria. They are not just saying it, they are aggressive about it and they are trying to do it. You can see what is happening all over the country; they are serious about it and people must defend themselves. Every person must live. I am not happy when I wake up and read about killings in Oke Ogun, Yewaland, or that an Oba has been kidnapped in Ekiti, another killed in Ifon. I’m tired of reading about abductions, rape, and attacks on our people. No nation will want to live like that and nobody can say we must tolerate all those atrocities because we want to live in Nigeria. No way! Our right to live is bigger than the membership of Nigeria. These are the things causing agitation all over Nigeria now. This is not just happening in Yorubaland. We have created an alliance with the Middle Belt, the South-East, and the South-South. We call it the Nigerian Indigenous Alliance for Self-Determination. Even beyond the Middle-Belt, some Hausa people are beginning to rouse themselves.

What is the timeline set to achieve Yoruba self-determination?

Many Yoruba people want it right away. They don’t want to continue with the suffering, pain, insecurity, and poverty in Nigeria. They want their country back and build it the way they did under Chief Obafemi Awolowo. We know we have the capacity to do it. We did it before the white men came. Soon after the White men brought education in the late 19th century, we shot ahead and became the most educated in Africa. Under Chief Awolowo, we widened the gap with free education and moved our nation forward. We had a great government under Chief Awolowo, a very democratic government. That is Yoruba tradition. People now talk about so many things done under Chief Awolowo and many don’t know that Chief Awolowo spent only six years as our prime minister in the Western Region. In six years, he achieved all of which we are bragging about today. We know we can do it; it is in our genes to move forward. What our young people want is our own country so that we can do our own things and build civilisation, progress, and prosperity, and uphold democracy.

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There is an opinion held by some people that the governors in the South-West now are not toeing the path of the late Awolowo. Do you agree to this?

I am hesitant to criticise our governors and the reason is that the circumstances in which they live now are not the same. Things have changed, the society is no longer the same. The government in Nigeria today is not people-oriented; it’s not democratic in any way. So, why should we expect that our governors will be exceptions? The answer to this, as I said, is to take our people out of the rubble. These men who are our governors are highly educated young men who have done commendable things in their lives before they became governors. They are people who have the basic qualifications to work, but it is Nigeria that makes it impossible for them to do what they know is right. That is all.

While you are clamouring for Yoruba independence, some prominent Yoruba politicians see Nigeria’s unity as non-negotiable. What do you say to this?

In Nigeria, politics is about the only thing you can go into and be sure to make money. That is why politics has become a personal aggrandisement venture. A large number of our people now want to go into politics because of this. Some young men don’t even have any other job asides from politics. They see politics as the only way out of poverty. But others want their own country, they don’t want to be part of this anymore. But those gathering the young people and mobilising for the 2023 elections will be surprised because the young people they think they have gathered and bribed to fight and rig for them will shock them. These young people want their own country. The more we participate in elections in Nigeria, the more we are prolonging our suffering. Students are coming out of the universities, polytechnics, and others without any provision for them. I lived in the United States for some years and almost every day, you would see a young man or woman arriving from Nigeria, mostly a Yoruba man or woman. In fact, some of our people are surprised that when you talk about these things, our rulers don’t seem to know about it. Our people leave Nigeria every day to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Europe. That is the most terrible thing that is happening to Yoruba youths because they have lost hope in the country. Yoruba youths are always many among those going through this route and they are dying in droves. One young girl among some of those rescued from kidnappers told me that it was better to die in the desert than to die of hunger. It is that bad. They are ready to go and die in the desert than dying in poverty. They are ashamed of Nigeria.

Afenifere and the Yoruba Council of Elders are clamouring for restructuring, but you are against it. Why do you think restructuring can’t address the problems in Nigeria?

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Restructuring can no longer work. Restructuring cannot stop the Fulani terrorists from coming to our land. They have been indoctrinated to go and take over the entire land in the country. So, how can restructuring stop that? Restructuring won’t stop that. I don’t want to continue to live in that type of situation. Moreover, you might sit somewhere and agree on restructuring but these people have an uncontrollable urge to dominate society. One of them, Aliu Gwarzo, wrote an article wherein he said ‘power in Nigeria belongs to us and anybody standing on our way, we will kill, maim, destroy and turn Nigeria into the greatest war zone in Africa.’ I don’t think anybody can change such an attitude with restructuring. In 1960, Sir Ahmadu Bello said only 11 days after Nigeria’s independence that ‘Nigeria shall be an extension of the state of our grandfather, Uthman Dan Fodio. We must ruthlessly prevent a change of power and we will use the people of the Middle Belt as tools, and the people of the South as conquered territory. We will never let them rule over us and never let them control their territory.’ He said that on October 12, 1960 in Kaduna and there were people there. Then in 1960, Aliu Gwarzo said, ‘Allah, through the British, gave us Nigeria to rule and to do as we please and we have been doing that since 1960 and we intend to continue. If anybody tries to stop us, we shall kill, maim and destroy.’ That is their mentality. If anybody thinks that has changed, they are deceiving themselves. Restructuring can change a few things, but it cannot change the mentality of the people behind the scene.

I used to advocate restructuring. I wrote tons of articles published in newspapers on it. But one must react to situations as they are. Restructuring cannot solve the problems at hand now. People say I am Awolowo’s son and that Chief Awolowo would not have wanted Yoruba to go away from Nigeria. I told them that Chief Awolowo reacted to the situation he met at that time. He did not see all these ravaging and destructions going on now. There are tears everywhere now. Papa Awo did not see a woman who was raped and her eyes gorged out. Papa didn’t see where a Yoruba Oba was killed and another abducted. Papa didn’t see Chief Olu Falae beaten and battered by Fulani. I have seen all these. I saw Chief Falae with wounds inflicted from swords and knives and I was horrified. Chief Falae is one of the most intelligent persons God has given to the Yoruba people. He held one of the highest positions in the country in our time and he was treated that way. Chief Awolowo did not see all these, but we are seeing them. Our father was not the kind of person that would see a problem and evade it. I am sure that where he is today, he is happy that I am doing what I am doing. I am resisting oppression. I am resisting the brutalisation and killing of our people.

What is the role of Chief Sunday Igboho in your agitation?

People misjudge that young man. If you listen to that man talk, you will be moved to tears. He said the Oke-Ogun part of Yorubaland used to be very peaceful and farming was prosperous there. That place was an ‘open country.’ In the hot season, families could sleep in front of their houses and nothing would happen to them. He said his people could travel in the dark and nothing would happen to them. But that area has now turned into a place where Fulani people kill, kidnap and rape women. The people are tired of the mess and more and more Yoruba youths are becoming like Sunday Igboho and returning to defend their land. Sunday Igboho’s violence is ‘orderly violence.’ His violence is to stop abominable cruelty unleashed on men by fellow human beings. Millions of Yoruba people are particularly thankful to him and emulating him to defend their land.

Why do you think insecurity is getting worse?

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Where there is insecurity, it is because there is poverty, though, in the case of Nigeria, poverty is not the only cause. The main thing is that some people in Nigeria have decided that Nigeria belongs to them and they want to take it by force. They have spread out and some people are also resisting them. On January 1, 2018, Fulani people went and killed a large number of people in Benue State. That was on New Year’s Day and some of us across Nigeria said that was too much and we decided to go and commiserate with the people of Benue State. The governor of Benue State gathered a large number of people to receive us. We sympathised with them and the governor said the people wrote a letter to them in December 2017 that they were going to attack them and they did. The authorities in Nigeria did not do anything to prevent the attack. At least, 80 people were killed that night. We were shocked and asked him what again would come after that. He then brought out a letter and read it to us. The letter read, ‘We see that you are doing a mass burial but what happened to you is only a tip of what will happen. We are coming back to kill and maim more people. Your offence is that the ethnic groups in your state think the land on which they live in is their own because they have lived there for thousands of years. No, they are wrong, the land belongs to us Fulani because Allah has given it to us and we have arisen to take it. We have asked all our people across West Africa to come and join us to take the land. We are not talking of the ethnic groups in Benue State alone but we are talking of all ethnic groups in Nigeria, including Yoruba, Igbo, Ijaw, and Efik. We have arisen to take the land because Allah has given it to us. If you think your Federal Government can save you, you are deceiving yourself.’ This is what is happening!

What solution would you suggest to end insecurity in the country?

Nigeria has ceased to be a country and it is us the people that are deceiving ourselves. When members of an ethnic group go around killing and maiming others and the government is not ready to do anything about it, it shows that the country is over and the best thing to do is to come together with the objective of peacefully dissolving it.

Some people believe Buhari has failed and are calling for his removal. What’s your opinion?

That is an understatement. To say he has failed is an understatement. We elected him to rule Nigeria but he is not ruling Nigeria. My answer is that it is an understatement that he has failed.

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Do you now support the call for his removal?

I don’t think he should be removed. If you remove him, what do you do? Some are saying there should be a coup but I am not in support of that and I know Yoruba people will not support that. I don’t want any military coup. If they go on and remove him through a coup, we Yoruba will definitely protect ourselves. If you remove him by coup, you will start another trouble again because these people are going to do everything to hold on to power. What we want now is that the international community should begin to intervene seriously in the bid to get Nigeria to come to terms that it has failed and the right thing to do in the interest of humanity is to put it to an end.

 But do you think the majority of Yoruba people will vote ‘Yes’ if there is a referendum on whether Yoruba should be independent or stay with Nigeria?

I have no doubt that they will vote ‘Yes.’ But we need to wait till we get the message to more and more of our people in the rural areas.

Have you mapped out the territory of the Yoruba nation, the flag, and the currency?

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One thing that most people don’t know is that the Yoruba nation is a powerful nation in the world. We have produced many intellectually sound people. It will be presumptuous of anybody to say we already have a flag and currency. Yoruba people are not like that. When we have our country, we will set up a body that will compose our national anthem design, coat of arms, national flag, currency, and others. Nobody must dictate to the Yoruba people because we are democratic.

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Politics

2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

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A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.

Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.

He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.

Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.

“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.

“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?

“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.

Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?

According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?

Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”

He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.

“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.

“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.

“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.

According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.

“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.

Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.

He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.

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2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

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By PETRUS OBI

Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.

It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.

At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.

Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?

Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.

Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.

His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.

Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.

Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.

The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.

More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.

That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?

The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.

Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.

He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.

That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.

The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.

In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.

Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.

That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.

The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.

Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.

There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.

Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.

Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.

With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.

More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.

The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.

But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.

Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.

That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.

The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.

Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.

If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.

He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.

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2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

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The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has explained why he could not have served as Director-General of President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 Presidential Campaign Council, saying he is not a member of the All Progressives Congress and does not want to risk losing his states.

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.

Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.

According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.

“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.

“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.

“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!

“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”

Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.

“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.

“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.

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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.

“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.

“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.

“So, we had our own strategies on how the president would emerge,” he said.

Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.

“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.

Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.

“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.

“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.

The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.

Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.

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Politics

Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

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By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

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Awkunanaw Clan gives ‘Ofo’ to their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, the NDC 2027 Enugu state Guber candidate

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Maduka University

The people of Awkunanaw clan comprising 22 autonomous communities that span Enugu South and Nkanu West Local Government Areas of Enugu state declared their total support for the governorship ambition of their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, who is the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, 2027 governorship candidate for Enugu state.

The elders and thousands of the people of these 22 communities namely, Omuoha, Amechi Obuoffia, Ndi Uno Obuoffia, Amangwu, Ndi Agu Obuoffia, Amegu Akegbe, Attakwu, Obeaghu, Akegbe Ugwu(Okwuo) Umuatugbuoma, Umueze, Amechi Uwani, Amechi Uno, Amechi, Ugwuaji, Obegu Ugwuaji, Akwuke, Akwuke Uwani, Amodu Okowo, Okpebe, Obeagu, and Obeagu Uno gathered in their ancestral home, Ihuani Okunano at Ndi Uno Obuoffia where they prayed and gave the traditional ‘Ofo’ to Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, endorsing him, and expressing their total support, for his 2027 governorship ambition.

The elders led by the oldest man in the clan, the 104 years-old Chief Emmanuel Agwa Onovo from Akegbe Ugwu (Okwuo), extolled the public life and philantropy of Sir Chinyeaka, and prayed that God and the good people of Enugu State would vote for his victory in the 2027 governorship election. They recalled the hundreds of people of Awkunanaw clan and beyond who have been lifted by his philantropy, and how he single-handedly built the magnificient Akpasha town hall, the meeting venue of the Awkunanaw clan.

“The significance of the event,” according to the eldest man in the clan who presided over the ceremony, “is that the ‘Ofo’ provides a spiritual shield, acting as a direct link to the ancestors and God, serving as spiritual licence that justifies the warrior’s cause”

Chief Mark Ngene, a 98 year old former Director in Enugu state Local Government System, and a leading voice in Awkunanaw Clan, said, “Sir Chinyeaka’s public service record presents him as the people’s warrior and a trusted son of Igbo land who, as he goes to battle, is, today, the 19th day of August, 2026, presented with an ‘Ofo’ staff which serves as a sacred act of spiritual arming, devine endorsement rooted in a ]covenant of truth and an impending overwhelming victory in the 2027 governorship election”

Speaking after recieving the ‘Ofo,’ Sir Chinyeaka thanked the elders, the Awkunanaw people, NDC candidates and supporters, who graced the occassion. He said, “What you just witnessed, today, the 19th day of August 2026, marking the commencement of electioneering campaign for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections, is the gifting of the victory baton, traditionally called, ‘Ofo,’ in Igbo land, given to my humble self by the Awkunanaw clan, led by the Council of Elders, the traditional ‘Ofo’ custodians, ‘aka ji ‘Ofo,’ of the 22 autonomous communities of the clan.
‘Ofo’ is imbued with authority over adversaries and enables the holder to triumph over obstacles and or challenges. I recall that on this ground where I am standing, stood His Excellency Jim Nwobodo in 1979 during the build-up to the then Anambra State governorship election, and recieved this same sacred ‘Ofo’ from the elders of Awkunanaw clan. He, subsequently, won the governorship election. Similarly, in 2005, on this same spot, this same ‘Ofo’ was given to Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani when he contested the position of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he, too, won.”

Concluding, he said, “With this ‘Ofo,’ I am now fully prepared to go for the 2027 governorship election in Enugu state and win seamlessly to the glory of God.”

Several NDC chieftains and candidates in the 2027 election attended the ceremony. They included the deputy governorship candidate, Chief Frank Omeje, Enugu West Senatorial candidate, Chief Chinedu Ene. Others were House of Representatives candidates: Awgu/Aninri/Oji River, Dr. John Nwokeabia, Nsukka/Igboeze South, Dr. Hilary Onyishi (Ikemba), Nkanu West/Nkanu East, Hon. El shaddai Chinemerem Ike, Igbo Etiti/Uzouwani, Barr. Fide Ani. House of Assembly candidate for Enugu South Urban constituency, Mrs Ngozi Agbo, was also present.

Other NDC Chieftains present were Barr. Emeka Okeke, former Enugu State Commissioner for Chieftaincy Matters, Chief Kentus Eze, former SPA to Governor Ugwuanyi, Chief Emeka Madu, former member Enugu state House of Assembly, Chief Hycinth Ngwu, former APC Chieftain and Director, FAAN, Dr Vincent Obeta, former MD NEWMAP, Dr. Anthony Okenwa-Ani, former Chairman, Nkanu Local Government, and a host of others.

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