Politics
Insecurity: Ebube Agu, ESN and the burden before South-East governors
On April 11, 2021, governors of the South-East, after an emergency security meeting at the Imo State Government House, announced the setting up of a regional security outfit codenamed ‘Ebube Agu’ (tiger’s glory). The announcement came in the wake of violent attacks on the Imo State Police Headquarters and the National Correctional Centre, all in Owerri, the state capital.
But the governors’ decision was not only greeted with surprise but also mixed reactions because the people of the region had long awaited the initiative.
Besides, many believed that the Indigenous People of Biafra-which was outlawed by the Federal Government, had taken advantage of the vacuum and the seemingly lacklustre attitude of the South-East governors to float a security outfit for the region, just like their counterparts in the South-West.
The IPOB said the Eastern Security Network was founded to drive away armed herdsmen from forests in the region and find solutions to the nagging insecurity that has made travelling a nightmare, farming near impossible and social activities organised with bated breadths for fear of being attacked.
Growing attacks by criminals especially armed robbers, kidnappers, bandits, Boko Haram insurgents and armed Fulani herdsmen have, for several years, left many states in the country unsafe.
This was why the six South-West governors met January 9, 2020, and established Amotekun, a regional security outfit.
In spite of the opposition by the Federal Government, the Yoruba stuck to their guns that Amotekun must stay and, thus, the state governments in the region have continued to provide the needed logistics for the security outfit to remain.
Although the South-East had introduced forest guards to protect the forests in the region from being converted to abode for criminals, it wasn’t enough to keep the region safe as the zone continued to suffer attacks, including the killing of Catholic priests, by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
Critics believe the governors of the South-East failed to act when the need arose but chose to hide behind community policing.
While many didn’t support IPOB’s ESN, some saw it as a timely intervention in the absence of a government response to the security challenges ravaging the region.
The governors had last Sunday, shortly after a security meeting, directed the Attorneys-General and Commissioners for Justice of the five South-East states to work with the joint security committee to come up with the amendment of the existing state laws to reflect the new Ebube Agu security outfit.
The governors, in a communiqué read by the Chairman of the South-East Governors’ Forum and Governor of Ebonyi State, Chief David Umahi, said the security outfit, with its headquarters to be sited in Enugu, the Enugu State capital, would collaborate with the Nigeria Police Force and other security agencies in the region.
“Ebube Agu will work with the Police and other security agencies in her operations to protect lives and property in South-East. The attorneys-general and commissioners for Justice of the South-East states have been directed to work with the joint security committee to come up with the amendment of the existing state laws to reflect the new Ebube Agu outfit,” the communiqué read in part.
But there are those who still see Ebube Agu as one that only exists in name, with no structure, personnel and a law to back it.
There are also concerns about whether the novel outfit will operate together with the ESN without conflict of interest or even clashes that could worsen the security situation in the area.
Already, Ebube Agu has been rejected by the pro-Biafra group, saying the government outfit would be an extension of the conventional security agencies, warning that “one must give way for the other.”
IPOB’s spokesperson, Emma Powerful, described Ebube Agu as an imaginary outfit that won’t work, adding that the governors should not be trusted.
“When our people needed them for protection, they were nowhere to be found. Instead of standing to be counted, they were rather waiting for instructions. And now that their masters have instructed them on what to do, that is why they hurriedly announced the imaginary outfit. We know their mission. The outfit will be an extension of the Nigerian security agencies to spy on our gallant Eastern Security Network and other pro-Biafra groups,” Powerful said
“The so-called Ebube Agu will be infiltrated by thugs and saboteurs to hunt the ESN and IPOB members. They want to fight us using our own people. But we are smarter. We are miles ahead of their game plan. IPOB members and the ESN operatives can’t work side by side with any other group that does not know how we operate. In fact, Ebube Agu is a suspect. We can never operate together or co-exist. One must give way for the other,” he added.
He further said, “We can never trust any outfit formed by our governors for the security and defence of our land. Why are they suddenly realising that a regional security outfit should be set up for the defence of the South-East after foot-dragging for many months? These governors who can sacrifice the collective interest of Ndigbo on the altar of their political future cannot be trusted. They are the worst set of Igbo leaders ever seen. They don’t have the interest of the masses at heart. Why have they been quiet over the atrocities of herdsmen in the South-East all along, if they truly care for the people?”
But political watchers in the region want the two outfits to work together in the interest of the region.
A former governor of Anambra State, Chief Chukwuemeka Ezeife, said, “Well, this cannot be left to any group except the elders now. Those of us who can be called the elders in the whole of the South-East need to work hard, and very hard. We had wanted it long ago, not Ebube Agu but a central regional security system like Eastern Security Network.
“The ESN eventually came because there was no such central system; now that we have a central system, the best thing we can do as elders is to get the governors and IPOB together in whatever way we can do it without offending any group, and work out an arrangement whereby the ESN and Ebube Agu could cohabit.
“The point is really clear; everybody likes the ESN, but you know the ESN is not from an elected government. It is not a people’s movement as such because we voted for the people in government. We didn’t vote for IPOB but we are grateful to them for what they have done to help save our lives. But Ebube Agu, on the contrary, can be said to be a people’s security outfit because it was set up by the government elected by the people.”
While stressing how difficult it would be to forge a unified ground between the governors and IPOB, the elder statesman added, “Ebube Agu, so far, is only a name – no law and nothing on the ground except an existing vigilante. So, I’m thinking the best that can happen is for the government to think deeply; IPOB should listen to the elders and to reasonable suggestions and, somehow, there will be an integration of the ESN and Ebube Agu.”
A former aide-de-camp to the late Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu, Bishop Obi Onubogu, said Ndigbo could not afford to have the two security outfits working at cross-purposes.
Onubogu said a clash of interest between them would leave the Igbo at the losing end.
He said, “We understand that the ESN was formed by a group of people in Igboland. We understand that the same people were agitating, complaining and also desire to have their own nation. It is not a hidden thing; everybody knows about it and it wasn’t done in secret. The issue is this; they got the sympathy of the people and appreciated the situation of the people because there was a vacuum. People have been demanding a proper security network to take care of their security problems in Igboland, such as the harassment of the people in their farms, harassment of women and the young ones with impunity by those who destroyed their farmlands.
“Are these issues not serious enough for the government to intervene? So, it leads to an independent group establishing a security network. They appealed to the people and arrived first. You know we are men of God and we don’t manage our ministry with lies; we tell people the truth. The absolute truth is that there was nothing to defend the people and to protect them. Insecurity was completely all over the land; people were killed, houses were burnt, mothers were raped, daughters were raped and wives were raped.”
Onubogu, who is the General Overseer, Rock Family Church, further said, “So, when a group came to provide this security, the people rejoiced about it, most people, because some people are against it for very obvious reasons. But, suddenly, Ebube Agu, a very captivating name, was announced. But since then, what has happened? We want to see the action. We really want to see them. We don’t want to see, honestly, any war between the two security outfits. We really want to see cooperation so that one group will not be after the other.
“When they are after themselves, then there will be no security for the rest of us. So we don’t want to reach this point because security is important to
the church. Without security, the church can’t function; so those who give us security are important to us.”
On his part, the Chairman of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria, Enugu State chapter, Bishop Godwin Madu, said the lapses in the establishment of forest guards by the governors in 2019 would cast doubt on the implementation of Ebube Agu.
Madu said, “I can trust them (South-East governors) that they mean well for the region but (it gives) a reason to reflect on the forest guards that were equally agreed on by the same South-East governors. There were gaps and lapses in executing the forest guards (initiative). Only one or two states went into action to recruit and implement the agreement on the forest guards.
“So when I reflect on their actions on previous agreements on protecting our environment and our region, I cast doubt on the reality of Ebube Agu. Now, who will equip this Ebube Agu? From where will the weapons come? Are our governors in the South-East ready to equip them (personnel) with enough and strong weapons that can stand the time and challenge?”
However, the Archbishop of Enugu Province and Bishop of Enugu diocese, Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion), Most Rev. Emmanuel Chukwuma, who was part of a recent meeting held by the governors, said ESN could be co-opted into Ebube Agu, urging IPOB not to fight the house it belongs to.
Chukwuma explained, “Ebube Agu is an outfit the governors have decided to bring out for the security of the South-East, as you have the Amotekun in the South-West. We shared the same view that IPOB is not a terrorist (organisation) as the Federal Government had labelled them, and could be used to fight insecurity in the South-East. Are they more terrorists than the Fulani herdsmen? So, we don’t see them as terrorists; we see them as agitators.
“So they (IPOB) can be co-opted; that is what the governors agreed. They can be co-opted into the Ebube Agu. When it is legislated now, there will be cooperation between them. We are not going to call them IPOB now; we are going to rebrand them. We are asking IPOB to slow down. ‘Don’t fight the house you belong to but cooperate with the governors; let us work together to make sure that this security problem in our region is addressed’.”
As the events continue to unfold, it has yet to be seen whether IPOB leadership will agree with the governors to allow the ESN and Ebube Agu to work together under certain terms to be stated by the state chief executives.
Stakeholders are however of the opinion that there is crisis ahead of the South-East governors as far as the security of the region is concerned.
PUNCH
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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