Politics
Peter Obi: Another EndSARS seeking to end APC, PDP failed Govts
His name is often trending on social media on the back of numerous conversations sparked by his supporters, instantly recognisable from their display picture of his image or the white, red and green logo of his party.
These are mostly urban under-30s who refer to themselves as the “Coconut-head generation”, because they are strong-willed, independent-minded and contemptuous of older politicians who, they say, have done little for them.
Many of them, like Dayo Ekundayo from the eastern city of Owerri, were involved in the EndSars protests that forced the disbandment of a notorious police department two years ago and also morphed into calls for better government.
Now, they are deploying the same strategies that mobilized hundreds of thousands of young Nigerians and raised millions of naira within weeks for the 60-year-old who they consider an alternative to the two parties that have dominated politics since the end of military rule in 1999.
“Which Nigerian politician has ever held office and has his integrity intact? I do not see any other logical option for young people in Nigeria,” said Mr Ekundayo.
A mobiliser during the EndSars protests, Mr Ekundayo is now doing the same for Mr Obi
He has already been involved in a march for Mr Obi, and is providing logistics and mobilising students for the campaign as he did during the EndSars protests.
But opponents say Mr Obi is a political impostor, one of many who spring up at election time with delusions of being a third force that will wrestle power from the traditional parties.
Many supporters of the main opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and neutral observers agree he is head and shoulders above the other candidates, but say he lacks the nationwide popularity to win the election and have warned his supporters that they risk wasting their votes.
They believe he is a distraction from the common goal of removing the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) from office, and could split the opposition vote.
A devout Catholic from eastern Nigeria, they point to his lack of popularity in the Muslim-dominated north, whose votes are considered critical in winning presidential elections.
And his critics question whether he truly represents a break from the corruption he routinely lambasts, pointing out that his name popped up in the leaked Pandora Papers which exposed the hidden wealth of the rich and powerful in 2021.
While he was not accused of stealing money, he failed to declare offshore accounts and assets held by family members, citing ignorance.
He was also accused of investing state funds, as governor, into a company he had dealings with. He denied any wrongdoing and points out that the value of the investment has since grown.
Mr Obi repeatedly says he is not desperate to be president, which is ironic for a man who has changed parties four times since 2002.
He dumped the PDP just days before its presidential primary in June and the party went on to choose the 75-year-old former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar as its presidential flagbearer.
IMAGE SOURCE,AFP
Image caption,
Mr Obi was Atiku Abubakar’s running mate in the 2019 presidential election which the PDP lost to the ruling APC
Critics say he pulled out of the contest because he knew his chances of winning were slim but he cited wrangling within the PDP, where he was a vice-presidential candidate in 2019, for deciding to cross over to the Labour Party.
His supporters are also convinced that he was pushed out of the PDP because he refused to bribe delegates at the party primary and have coined the phrase: “We don’t give shishi (money)” as a buzzword for his famed frugality and his prudence in managing government funds in a country with a history of wasteful expenditure by public officers.
They regard him as an unconventional politician prepared to take on the APC and PDP behemoths seen as different sides of the same coin, who they accuse of dipping their fingers into the public purse.
There is also a religious and ethnic twist to his candidacy.
In a country where roughly half the population is Christian, his supporters hope that this will bolster his chances of winning, as after eight years of President Muhammadu Buhari they would not want another Muslim – the APC’s Bola Tinubu, 70, or the PDP’s Mr Abubakar – to take office.
The OBIdients
Some also support Mr Obi because of his ethnic background. Igbos make up the country’s third largest ethnic group, but Nigeria has had only one Igbo president, largely ceremonial, since it freed itself from British colonial rule in 1960.
Many Igbos accuse successive Nigerian governments of marginalising them and hope that Mr Obi will rise to power so that the south-east, where most of them live, would see greater development and so counter the pull of secession groups like the Indigenous People of Biafra (Ipob).
A philosophy graduate, he worked in his family’s retail businesses before going on to make his own money, importing everything from salad cream to beauty products, and baked beans to champagne, while also owning a brewery and holding major shares in three commercial banks.
You can normally recognise a Nigerian billionaire from a mile off but Mr Obi is thrifty and wears it as a mark of pride.
He is quick to point out that he owns just two pairs of black shoes from midmarket British chain Marks and Spencer, prefers a $200 suit from Stein Mart to a $4,000 Tom Ford suit, and always insists on carrying his own luggage, rather than paying someone else to do it for him.
Even his children are not spared his frugality. His 30-year-old son was denied a car, he said, while his other child is a happy primary school teacher – a rarity in a country where a politician’s name often opens doors to more lucrative jobs.
Despite the financial controversy, his tenure as governor of Anambra state has become a reference point for his presidential campaign.
His supporters point out that he invested heavily in education and paid salaries on time – the simple things that most Nigerian state governors tend to neglect.
He also left huge savings in state coffers at the end of his two four-year tenures, another rarity.
IMAGE SOURCE,GETTY IMAGES
Image caption,
Most of those supporting Mr Obi were involved in anti-police brutality protests in 2020
But Frances Ogbonnaya, a university student in Anambra state when Mr Obi was governor, is surprised by the praises being sung in his name, describing his tenure as unremarkable.
“Who saves money in the face of hunger? Who saves money in the face of a lack of facilities?” she asked rhetorically.
But it is his reputation for frugality and sound management that has attracted a horde of supporters, known as OBIdients.
Some have been accused of cyberbullying and labelling anyone who does not vote for him in next year’s election an enemy of the state.
He responded with a tweet calling on his supporters to “imbibe the spirit of sportsmanship”, but it has done little to calm them down.
They are quick to show anyone who tells them that elections aren’t won on Twitter, the crowds at offices of Nigeria’s electoral body where they have been flooding to register as first-time voters.
But this is not the same as actually turning out to vote on election day.
With months to the election, there is no denying the momentum building behind Mr Obi but cynics also point to the lack of a nationwide party structure to support the view that, while possible, an Obi presidency remains highly improbable.
He retorts that his structure is “the 100 million Nigerians that live in poverty [and] the 35 million Nigerians who don’t know where their next meal will come from”.
If half of those turn out to vote him on election day, it might very well be all that he needs.
By Petrus Obi, London
London — The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship aspirant in Ebonyi State, Ifeanyi Odii, has intensified his criticism of the administration of Governor Francis Nwifuru, insisting that the people of the state deserve a different approach to governance.
Odii, who spoke with EverydayNewsngr.net in London, said what he described as the “fire brigade approach” of the Nwifuru administration was not the kind of governance Ebonyi needs.
According to him, the state requires a government with a clear vision, long-term planning and the capacity to deliver meaningful development to its people.
“The fire brigade approach of the Nwifuru government is not what the state needs,” Odii said.
He added: “I am coming to bring a new lease of life to my people.”
Odii’s comments come amid renewed political debate in Ebonyi State following the recent removal of the state Commissioner for Works. The development has attracted attention from opposition circles, with critics using it to question aspects of the administration’s handling of governance and infrastructure.
The PDP chieftain said the people of Ebonyi should expect more than what he described as reactive governance, arguing that development should be driven by a coherent programme capable of producing lasting results.
He maintained that his political ambition was motivated by a desire to provide what he described as purposeful leadership and improve the welfare of residents across the state.
“We deserve better government in Ebonyi State,” Odii said, stressing that his vision was centred on giving the people renewed confidence in government and creating opportunities for them to prosper.
As political activities ahead of the next governorship election continue to gather momentum, governance, infrastructure, accountability and the delivery of public services are expected to feature prominently in the emerging contest.
Odii’s intervention in London is likely to add further momentum to the political conversation, particularly as opposition figures seek to distinguish their vision for Ebonyi from that of the incumbent administration.
STATEMENT BY CHIEF EMMANUEL CHIDI IGWE,
SPOKESPERSON TO CHIEF DR. IFEANYI CHUKWUMA ODII
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State is not a family affair, nor is it a matter to be decided by one individual or political godfather. It is a democratic contest, and Ebonyians will ultimately decide who becomes their governor through the ballot box.
No aspirant should be expected to step down simply because another politician believes he should. Every qualified candidate has the right to contest, present his programme and seek the mandate of the people.
Let me make this clear: since Senator Dave Umahi did not bring Chief Dr. Ifeanyi Chukwuma Odii into the governorship race, he cannot now claim the authority to ask him to step down. Chief Odii has his own political identity, supporters, convictions and legitimate right to seek the mandate of Ebonyians.
The decision to contest or withdraw belongs to the candidate, while the ultimate decision on who governs Ebonyi State belongs to the people.
The 2027 election should therefore be about issues, programmes, records, accountability and the future of Ebonyi—not political arrangements made by individuals behind closed doors.
Chief Dr. Ifeanyi Chukwuma Odii is prepared to place his vision and programme before Ebonyians and subject them to public scrutiny. Those seeking to retain power should equally be prepared to defend their records before the electorate.
Ebonyi 2027 is not a family arrangement. It is a contest for the confidence of the people. The people of Ebonyi State—not individuals—will have the final say.
Chief Emmanuel Chidi Igwe
Spokesperson to Chief Dr. Ifeanyi Chukwuma Odii
Politics
BREAKING: SaharaReporters Report on Arrest of Enugu Traditional Ruler, Ex-Lawmaker Is False and Misleading
The recent publication by SaharaReporters alleging that prominent Enugu traditional ruler, Igwe Obiora Igwesi, his brother and former federal lawmaker, Hon. Uchenna Sunday A. Igwesi (USA Igwesi), and eight others were arrested over an alleged attack on an NDC ward meeting in Obuoffia, Nkanu West Local Government Area, is false and deeply misleading.
The report is being described as a deliberate attempt to damage the reputation of respected leaders in Enugu State and create unnecessary political tension ahead of the 2027 elections.
Contrary to the claims contained in the publication, there was no arrest ordered by the Inspector-General of Police against Igwe Obiora Igwesi, Hon. USA Igwesi, or the other individuals named in connection with any alleged attack on an NDC meeting. There was also no operation by detectives from Zone 13 Command, Ukpo, Dunukofia, Anambra State, as alleged in the report.
Similarly, the purported petition dated September 15, 2026, and the allegations of conspiracy, unlawful possession of firearms, attempted murder, assault, threatening violence and stealing are strongly disputed and described as fabricated claims intended to create a damaging narrative around the individuals concerned.
The broader allegation that the 17 Local Government Areas of Enugu State have experienced coordinated armed attacks allegedly sponsored by Local Government Chairmen to silence the opposition is equally rejected as unfounded.
Attempts to associate Igwe Obiora Igwesi and Hon. USA Igwesi with criminal activity or political violence are viewed as an unacceptable effort to tarnish the image of individuals who have served their communities and contributed to the development of Enugu State.
The public, particularly the people of Enugu State, is therefore urged to exercise caution and verify the facts independently before accepting or circulating the allegations contained in the SaharaReporters publication.
Enugu State remains focused on peace, stability and development. Political disagreements should not be allowed to degenerate into the circulation of unverified allegations capable of inflaming tensions or damaging the reputations of individuals.
The position being maintained by the affected parties is clear: there was no arrest of the named individuals in connection with the alleged incident, no evidence has been presented establishing that any Local Government Chairman sponsored an attack, and the allegations contained in the publication are disputed in their entirety.
The public is encouraged to await verifiable facts from the appropriate authorities rather than rely on claims that have not been independently substantiated.
Fresh legal questions emerge over Chijioke Ugwu’s membership registration after Supreme Court restores party-register provisions
By Our Correspondent
Fresh legal questions have emerged over the Peoples Democratic Party’s 2027 governorship ticket in Enugu State following the Supreme Court’s restoration of key provisions of the Electoral Act dealing with political party membership registers and the conduct of primaries.
The questions centre on Chief Chijioke Peter Ugwu, who was recently announced by the PDP governorship candidate, Chief Uche Geoffrey Nnaji, as his running mate.
Nnaji announced Ugwu’s selection on September 24, shortly after the Supreme Court delivered its landmark judgment restoring Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2) of the Electoral Act 2026. Ugwu’s selection was subsequently reported by several Nigerian media outlets.
But documents and information available to this newspaper raise a question that could potentially become significant if the PDP ticket is challenged in court.
The PDP governorship primary in Enugu State was conducted on May 25, 2026.
However, Ugwu is understood to have registered as a PDP member on May 31, 2026 — six days after the governorship primary.
This means that if the May 31 registration date is accurately reflected in the party’s official records, his name could not have appeared in the PDP membership register submitted to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) before the May 25 governorship primary.
That immediately raises the question:
Can a person who was not a member of the party on the date of its governorship primary subsequently be selected as the deputy governorship candidate without the Supreme Court’s restored membership-register provisions affecting the ticket?
What the Supreme Court restored
The Supreme Court, in a unanimous judgment delivered on September 24, set aside the Court of Appeal’s earlier decision which had declared the disputed provisions of the Electoral Act unconstitutional.
The apex court upheld the validity of Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2), following an appeal by INEC against the Court of Appeal judgment in the case involving the Zenith Labour Party.
Section 77(5) provides that only persons whose names are contained in a political party’s membership register submitted to INEC at least 21 days before a primary, congress or convention may participate in the exercise.
Section 77(6) requires political parties to use the membership register submitted to INEC for their primaries, congresses and conventions.
Section 77(7) deals with the consequence of failure by a party to submit its membership register within the prescribed period.
These provisions are now back in force following the Supreme Court judgment. Legal opinions suggest that the law’s insistence on the membership register submitted to INEC is relevant to the validity of the party’s eventual nomination process, depending on how the PDP formally nominated and submitted its governorship and deputy governorship candidates.
The precise documents will therefore be crucial.
Among the questions likely to arise are:
What date did the PDP submit its membership register to INEC?
Was Ugwu’s name contained in that register?
When exactly did Ugwu become a registered PDP member?
Was he a PDP member before the register was submitted to INEC?
How did the PDP formally nominate him as running mate?
Was the nomination made through a procedure recognised by the Electoral Act and the party’s constitution?
The controversy is coming at a sensitive time for the PDP, which has only recently unveiled Ugwu as Nnaji’s running mate. Ugwu, from Nguru in Nsukka Local Government Area, is an entrepreneur, philanthropist and community leader who runs businesses in logistics, contracting, consultancy and hospitality.
However, the governorship candidate and the deputy governorship candidate constitute a single electoral ticket. Therefore, any legal or constitutional issue affecting the eligibility of the deputy governorship candidate automatically has implications for the validity of the joint ticket, including the governorship candidate.
Another legal opinion available to this newspaper insists that “the gubernatorial ticket is a joint one. If the name of a deputy governor is not on the digital register, it invalidates the entire process.”
In the 2019 Bayelsa governorship election, APC’s David Lyon was declared winner. His running mate was Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo.
The Supreme Court later disqualified Degi-Eremienyo over the documents he submitted to INEC. The crucial point was that the Supreme Court held that his disqualification affected the joint ticket he shared with David Lyon. Consequently, the court ordered INEC to withdraw the Certificate of Return issued to Lyon and his deputy.
This happened one day before Lyon was due to be sworn in as governor. The certificate was subsequently issued to Douye Diri of the PDP, who had the next-highest lawful votes and the required geographical spread.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has announced that the collection of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) will commence nationwide on October 9.
The development has prompted calls for eligible voters to visit the INEC office in their respective Local Government Areas to collect their PVCs and ensure they are prepared to participate in the electoral process.
Meanwhile, supporters of Hon. Engr. Anayo Onwuegbu, Omeiheukwu Akpugoeze, have urged constituents in the Aninri/Awgu/Oji River Federal Constituency to support his bid for a second term in the Federal House of Representatives.
The supporters made the appeal while encouraging eligible residents to collect their PVCs and exercise their franchise in the forthcoming election.
Voters are advised to follow official INEC guidelines and verify the applicable collection procedures and dates before visiting their designated collection centres.
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