
Special Report
Navigating interplay of Law and Politics in Mbah Vs NYSC saga

By Lemmy Ughegbe
However, the details of the judgement of the Federal High Court, Abuja, which affirmed the authenticity of Mbah’s discharge certificate and ordered NYSC to pay him the sum of N5 million for conspiracy, fraudulent design, and malicious misrepresentation of facts, should interest lovers of our democracy and sanctity of our public institutions because they confirm the gale of doubts induced by some steps/missteps by NYSC along the line.
Meanwhile, during the trial, Mbah averred that he completed his national service, tendering an NYSC discharge certificate No. A808297. He also tendered an application for suspension of his service to go to the Law School and the consequent approval by NYSC. He also tendered his application for reinstatement after the programme and NYSC’s letter dated 7th May, 2003 (Ref. No. NYSC/DHQ/CM/27/20), directing his reinstatement to “continue his service year from where he stopped, with effect from May 2003.”
In its own averment, NYSC admitted reinstating Mbah and reposting him to Udeh & Associates to complete his service with a probable September 2003 completion date. However, it averred that Mbah did not complete those remaining months after his reinstatement. NYSC submitted that it withheld certificate No. A673517, which it should have issued to Mbah, adding that the certificate No. A808297 he tendered did not originate from it. While I was still inclined, at this stage, to believe NYSC, reasonable doubt had been created in my mind as to whether or not the Corps was sincere in its claims because whereas Mbah tendered a certificate with No. A808297 as a proof that he completed his service, NYSC failed to tender the certificate with No. A673517 as a proof that it withheld his certificate for allegedly not completing his service.
NYSC told the court that Mbah’s certificate was among uncollected certificates, which it burnt in 2022. Instructively, by 2022, the politics of 2023 had already picked up. Are certificates such huge burdens that they must be burnt and at the cusp of a general election? And no digital copies were made in the 21st century before their incineration?
Worse still, certified true copies of certificates dated 2003 were exhibited by the NYSC in its response to Mbah’s suit leading the court to observe: “If all the outdated, unused, and cancelled certificates of National Service and certificates of exemption, certificates of absconded members of the Service Corps 1999 to 2004, were disposed of by incineration, how did the Defendants (NYSC and its Director of Corps Certification, Ibrahim Muhammad) obtain Exhibits A31 and A32 which is dated 6th January, 2003, which they certified and tendered in this case? To make matters worse, the certification by the stamp thereon was done on 19th August, 2023, long after this case was initiated on 4th May, 2023. A person can only certify a document, which originally he has in his possession.”
Again, NYSC claimed that the purportedly burnt certificate No. A673517 meant for Mbah was dated 2001, an assertion the court assessed as “contrary to the evidence in this case.”
Justice Ekwo stated: “From the evidence in this case, the Plaintiff completed his service in 2003 upon being reinstated and not in 2001. It is not possible for the 1st Defendant (NYSC) to have pre-emptively prepared a certificate dated 2001 for a member of the Corps whose service was deferred in 2002 and was reinstated to complete the same in 2003.
“Furthermore, there is no evidence of the Defendants linking the said certificate with number A673517 to either file with Ref. No. LA/01/1532 (which was the substantive file opened at the time the Plaintiff joined service) or file with Ref. No. LA/01/1532/T (which was a temporary file for the Plaintiff at the time he was reinstated) after the deferment. It is these files that would have been a formidable foundation of the case of the Defendants on which certificate it actually issued to the Plaintiff.”
Indeed, NYSC’s failure to produce Mbah’s files before the court dealt a fatal blow to their case and possibly removed any doubts of their complicity and duplicity in the whole certificate saga.
Citing several judicial authorities, Justice Ekwo held: “There is no evidence that file with Ref. No. LA/01/1532 or file with Ref No. LA/01/1532/T are documents, which are not in the custody of the Defendants and there is no evidence that both files were disposed of during the incineration of 2022. The Defendants have failed to proffer any credible evidence on the whereabouts of those files.
“I find that non-production of file with Ref. No. LA/01/1532 or file with Ref No. LA/01/1532/T means the contents thereof would have gone against the Defendants in this case and I so hold.”
Importantly too, the court held that the Defendants failed to lead evidence to prove a case of forgery against Mbah. The court held that NYSC “handled their case with levity or that they lacked the will-power to challenge the case of the Plaintiff”, adding that “No evidence was led to compare the calligraphy on certificate No. A808297, which they say they did not issue.”
Thus, in its judgment, the court declared that based on evidence before it, Mbah completed his service and that NYSC issued him certificate No. A808297. It declared that the Defendants “conspired by fraudulent design, suppressed and misrepresented facts in its supposition that the Plaintiff’s (Mbah’s) certificate Number A808297 was not issued by the Defendants (NYSC), a fact they knew or ought to know as untrue, incorrect, which constitutes the tort of conspiracy.” It further held that “the Defendants were negligent and maliciously misrepresented facts” the dominant purpose of which was “to inflict damages in his legal profession, politics, and business.”
As earlier expressed, NYSC took some steps that raised a gale of doubts about its uprightness and neutrality in the course of this saga. First, knowing how taciturn government functionaries are in delving into politically sensitive issues, it was baffling to watch the Director General of NYSC, Brigadier General Yusha’u Ahmed, defy a subsisting court order to make a categorical disclaimer of Mbah’s certificate on Arise News on 19th May 2023. It is not imaginable that the DG would defy a restraining order on himself and his agency to do so and at the risk of jail term for contempt of court without a political drumbeat.
Again, why was NYSC and its DG reluctant to reply to Mbah’s petition to it over the February 1 2023 disclaimer, but so eager to issue/make further disclaimers against him at the peak of gubernatorial campaigns?
Meanwhile, I became more suspicious when NYSC mounted a legal roadblock to stall the hearing and determination of Mbah’s N20 Billion lawsuit against it one way or the other by filing a preliminary objection instead of grabbing the opportunity with both hands to finally nail him. The said objection was predicated on Section 20 of the NYSC Act, which makes it mandatory for a Corps member to file a complaint to the Presidency for an amicable resolution before instituting a legal action. But the objection was thrown out by the court, which agreed with Mbah that this Section did not apply to him since he was neither a Corps member nor an employee of NYSC.
Again, an institution keen on fact-finding more than a witch-hunt should have checked with Udeh & Associates where it admitted posting him for his primary assignment before issuing further disclaimers. More so since he attached to his petition to NYSC, copies of the clearance letters issued by the law firm and based on which he said his allowances for the months in contention were paid into his Fidelity Bank account.
Also, DSS’ finding that NYSC could not account for twelve 8-series discharge certificates (A80829 – A808308, which includes Mbah’s) settles the argument as to whether his certificate belongs the agency. Therefore, the option left to NYSC to prove forgery was to present anyone else bearing the same certificate No. A808297, which it did not.
Another development that suggested that the whole saga was part of high-power politics was the 7th of December 2022 suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/2257/2022 (Felix Ugwu & 5 Ors. v. Peter Mbah & 3 Ors) in which Mr. Ugwu and his co-plaintiffs/applicants claimed that Mbah was an ex-convict and made a charge/plea bargain in Suit No. FHC/L/09C/2007: Federal Republic of Nigeria v. Nnamani Chimaroke & 11 Ors.) at the Federal High Court Lagos. They prayed the Federal High Court Abuja to disqualify him from seeking election based on Section 182(1) (e). Interestingly, the Plaintiffs disingenuously disclosed in their affidavit that the information was given to them by George Ogara, a senior lawyer and deputy governorship candidate of the APC in Enugu.
Surprisingly, whereas court record show that Mbah was never arraigned and never took a plea, let alone being convicted; whereas they showed that Justice M.N. Yunusa discharged him and two others from all charges at the instance of the EFCC on 7th March 2013; a senior officer in the Federal Ministry of Justice went ahead to filed processes to support the Applicants’ false claims. It took Mbah’s petition to the Attorney-General of the Federation to unravel the perfidy.
In conclusion, the Mbah vs. NYSC saga has further exposed the incestuous and dangerous interplay between law and politics in Nigeria. It crystallises the ineptitude and corruption that have ravaged our public institutions; and it is my hope that going forward we will be able to safeguard our public institutions from the allure of politricks in the interest of constitutional democracy.
Ughegbe, a journalist, activist, and public analyst, writes from Abuja
Special Report
Federal Roads: Umahi Closing the Gap as Tinubu Addresses Years of Neglect in South-East

By PETRUS OBI
The Federal Government’s renewed intervention in major infrastructure projects across the South-East is beginning to give fresh meaning to the argument that the region is witnessing a stronger federal presence under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
At the centre of the renewed push is the Minister of Works, Senator Dave Umahi, whose aggressive supervision of federal road projects has placed the region’s long-standing infrastructure deficit firmly on the national agenda.
The latest demonstration of that commitment is the ongoing reconstruction of the 65-kilometre Afikpo-Uturu-Okigwe Federal Road, linking communities and major highways across Ebonyi, Abia and Imo states.
During an inspection of the project in Okigwe, Umahi disclosed that the Federal Government had commenced preparatory works to remove a mountain more than 60 metres high that has for years constituted a major danger to motorists and contributed to fatal accidents along the route.
“This mountain, by the command of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, must collapse for the people of South-East,” the minister declared, underscoring the administration’s determination to confront difficult infrastructure challenges rather than continue to allow them to hinder economic activity and endanger lives.
The mountain section represents one of the most technically demanding portions of the project. According to the contractor, Hi-Tech Construction, three excavators are being deployed to intensify excavation and reshape the terrain to create a safer and more efficient road alignment. 
For a region where poor road infrastructure has historically been blamed for restricting trade, increasing transportation costs and slowing economic development, the significance of the project goes beyond the road itself.
The Afikpo-Uturu-Okigwe corridor is an important arterial route connecting communities and adjoining federal highways. When completed, it is expected to improve movement between Ebonyi, Abia and Imo, open up markets and strengthen regional integration.
More than 20 kilometres of the 65-kilometre project have already been completed, according to the Minister of Works, with the remaining sections progressing under the Federal Government’s tax-credit arrangement involving Dangote Industries Limited as sponsor and Hi-Tech Construction as contractor.
The project is also notable for the use of concrete pavement, which Umahi described as superior to what is obtainable on some other major federal highway projects.
But the Afikpo-Uturu-Okigwe road is only one component of a wider federal infrastructure push across the South-East.
Other major projects highlighted by the Presidency include the Enugu-Onitsha, Enugu-Port Harcourt, Enugu-Abakaliki, Abakaliki Trans-Sahara and Onitsha-Owerri roads.
Taken together, the projects suggest an attempt to address some of the region’s most persistent infrastructure bottlenecks while integrating its commercial centres more effectively with the national economy.
For Umahi, the issue is not merely the number of projects being undertaken, but their practical impact on the lives and economic fortunes of the people.
The minister has consistently argued that the Federal Government’s interventions in the South-East should be judged through tangible infrastructure delivery rather than political sentiments.
That argument is particularly significant in a region that has, for years, complained of inadequate federal infrastructure investment and what many residents perceive as neglect.
The ongoing projects therefore offer the Tinubu administration an opportunity to change that narrative through visible delivery on the ground.
The mountain at Okigwe provides perhaps the clearest symbol of the challenge.
For decades, the obstacle stood as a physical barrier to smoother transportation, while accidents and difficult road conditions imposed additional costs on motorists and communities.
Its planned removal is consequently more than an engineering exercise. It represents an attempt to physically dismantle one of the obstacles that have impeded movement, commerce and connectivity in the region.
Beyond road construction, improved connectivity could have wider economic consequences. Better roads can reduce travel time, improve the movement of agricultural produce and manufactured goods, strengthen access to schools and health facilities, and encourage investment along previously difficult corridors.
This is why the intervention is being viewed as part of a broader effort to close the infrastructure gap in the South-East.
The Senior Special Assistant to the President on Community Engagement, South-East, Barrister Chioma Nweze, reinforced this position, saying the projects would strengthen connectivity, open up communities and markets and stimulate commercial activities across the region.
The scale of the ongoing interventions provides the Tinubu administration with a strong opportunity to demonstrate that federal presence in the South-East can be defined not by political rhetoric but by roads, bridges, connectivity and economic infrastructure.
And with Umahi taking a hands-on approach to monitoring projects, the Federal Government appears determined to make infrastructure delivery one of the most visible signs of its engagement with the region.
If the Afikpo-Uturu-Okigwe road is completed as planned, including the removal of the 60-metre mountain, it could become one of the most striking examples of how a difficult infrastructure challenge can be transformed into an economic opportunity.
For the South-East, where infrastructure deficit has long featured prominently in conversations about federal neglect, the emerging picture is one of a region increasingly being brought into the centre of the Federal Government’s infrastructure agenda.
Special Report
HOW ANTI PARTY ACTIVITIES MAY CAUSE APC TWO SENATE SEATS

By Emma Igwe
In Ebonyi South, a scenario is playing out, following the loss of Igariwey Idu in securing the APC ticket for Edda/Afikpo North federal constituency, and the likely disposition of his followers to work against APC candidates. These anti-party activities and internal political realignments are now intersecting with broader dynamics in Ebonyi North and Ebonyi South senatorial districts, where the All Progressives Congress (APC) may face unexpected setbacks due to deep-rooted local interests, personal influence networks, and intra-party divisions.
In Ebonyi North, the political landscape is particularly complex, driven largely by a long-standing kindred dichotomy between the two dominant subgroups, Unwueru and Igbojima.
This internal division continues to influence voting behaviour across Izzi, Abakaliki, and Ebonyi local government areas, often outweighing party ideology or candidate competence. At the same time, the ripple effects of political dissatisfaction in Ebonyi South—especially from aggrieved APC stakeholders like Igariwey Idu—are beginning to shape cross-district alignments and quiet opposition strategies that could weaken APC’s overall electoral strength.
The APC candidate in Ebonyi North, Senator Onyekachi Peter Nwebonyi, who serves as Deputy Chief Whip and hails from the Unwueru subunit of Izzi, is widely acknowledged for his legislative performance and constituency projects across various communities in the district. However, his political strength is being challenged by deep-seated intra-ethnic sentiments, with his kindred of origin becoming a major political liability in the current contest. Some local political actors within Izzi are reportedly not fully aligned with his candidacy, further weakening his grassroots consolidation.
On the other hand, Chief Chikaodili Ojemba of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), who hails from the Igbojima axis—the same broader bloc as Governor Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru—appears to be gaining significant traction. Despite running under APGA, Ojemba is perceived by many as enjoying tacit support from influential political structures within the state. His alignment with both Governor Nwifuru and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, at least in political posture, has further strengthened his acceptability across party lines.
Ojemba’s appeal is also reinforced by his position as chairman of the Quarry Dealers Association of Ebonyi State, as well as his philanthropic engagements, including recent scholarship awards to indigent students within the senatorial district. These activities have enhanced his visibility and grassroots goodwill, particularly among younger voters and economically disadvantaged communities.
While Senator Nwebonyi maintains a strong record of attracting federal projects and development initiatives across the district, the contest is increasingly being shaped less by performance and more by identity politics. The election is gradually evolving into a struggle for kindred supremacy rather than a comparison of competence or legislative effectiveness.
Demographically, the Igbojima bloc holds a population advantage and also benefits from the perceived influence of the incumbent governor, which may translate into significant electoral gains for Ojemba. He is also expected to perform strongly in Izzi areas, where local sentiments and political alignments are currently fluid.
In urban centres such as Abakaliki and parts of Ebonyi local government area, APGA may also enjoy considerable support due to the presence and influence of non-indigenous populations, particularly Anambra indigenes who have established strong socio-economic networks in these areas.
In a parallel development, Toochukwu Ogalagu, the APGA House of Representatives candidate for Ohaukwu/Ebonyi Federal Constituency, is also expected to command strong followership in urban centres such as Ezzangbo, Effium, and Alioma. However, he may face stronger resistance in Mgbo-speaking areas, where the incumbent representative retains influence. The simultaneous conduct of both senatorial and House of Repre
Special Report
UMAHI: THE HABILA CASE -Separating Facts from Falsehood

BY Emma Igwe
“Those who live ahead of their time should always expect criticism.”
— Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe reportedly made this statement on two notable occasions.
The first was during the campaign for Nigeria’s independence, when Southern members of the then National Assembly advocated for self-rule while many Northern members opposed the move. When Dr. Azikiwe was interviewed at Heathrow Airport in the United Kingdom, he responded with those words.
The second was during the Nigeria–Biafra War. After advocating dialogue between Nigeria and Biafra, Radio Biafra reportedly labelled him a saboteur. Once again, he repeated the same statement. Supporters argue that history later vindicated his position.
A Religious Reflection
If Jesus Christ, revered by Christians as the Saviour of the world, was persecuted and crucified despite His innocence, then public criticism and unfounded allegations against public figures should not come as a surprise.
It is painful for anyone to be associated with a crime in which they had no involvement.
Sen. David Umahi: A Record of Public Service
Supporters of Sen. David Umahi point to a number of achievements during his political career, including:
- Becoming the first Deputy Governor in Ebonyi State to openly oppose the imposition of candidates within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), eventually emerging as Governor.
- Introducing the use of concrete pavement technology for road construction in Ebonyi State.
- Prioritising infrastructure development over patronage politics and the distribution of public resources.
When Sen. Umahi defected from the PDP to the All Progressives Congress (APC), he faced widespread criticism, particularly in the South-East. Today, many of those who opposed his decision have also joined the APC.
His supporters also argue that his performance as Minister of Works and his strong defence of President Bola Tinubu’s policies have attracted political opposition and criticism from rivals.
The Main Issue: The Death of Ms. Mary Habila
It is not disputed that Ms. Mary Habila died at Sen. David Umahi’s country home. However, the central issue should be determined by facts rather than assumptions.
The mere fact that a person dies at another person’s residence does not, by itself, establish that the owner or occupant is responsible for the death.
Liability can only be established through credible and verifiable evidence.
Among the issues that require proper investigation are:
- Whether there is evidence linking any individual to the cause of the death.
- Whether those present cooperated fully with law enforcement authorities.
- Whether medical assistance was sought promptly and the incident duly reported.
- The findings of forensic experts, medical examiners, and other investigators.
The cause and circumstances surrounding Ms. Mary Habila’s death are matters that should be determined through lawful investigation.
The Legal Position
Both criminal and civil liability must be established through credible evidence demonstrating that an unlawful act caused the death.
Sen. David Umahi has consistently denied any wrongdoing and has stated that he has cooperated with the relevant authorities throughout the investigation.
Ultimately, the circumstances surrounding the incident should be determined by witness testimony, forensic evidence, medical reports, and other admissible evidence—not by speculation based solely on the location where the death occurred.
It is a fundamental principle of justice that every person is presumed innocent until proven guilty by a court of competent jurisdiction. Accordingly, any conclusion regarding legal responsibility must rest on established facts and the applicable law, rather than suspicion or conjecture.
The occurrence of a death at Sen. Umahi’s residence, standing alone, is insufficient to establish legal liability without clear and convincing evidence linking him to the cause of the death.
Special Report
The Five Missing NELAN Engineers: A Test of Nigeria’s Commitment to Justice

By Okey Nwanguma
Nearly five years after five Nigerian engineers disappeared while carrying out their professional duties in Ebonyi State, the country still has no credible answers. Their families remain trapped between hope and despair, while the justice system appears unable—or unwilling—to establish the truth.
This is no longer merely the story of five missing professionals. It has become a defining test of Nigeria’s commitment to human rights, the rule of law, and public accountability.
On 3 November 2021, Engr. Nelson Onyemeh, Engr. Ernest Edeani, Engr. Ikechukwu Ejiofor, Engr. Samuel Aneke, and Engr. Stanley Nwazulum left Enugu for Ebonyi State to supervise the construction of the Abakaliki Ring Road under a contract funded by the African Development Bank (AfDB). They never returned.

Okey Nwanguma
The engineers were employees of NELAN Consulting Limited, an independent engineering consultancy appointed through an international competitive bidding process to supervise the project in accordance with AfDB standards. Their role was not ceremonial. Independent supervision is central to ensuring that public infrastructure projects meet contractual specifications, maintain quality standards, and protect public resources from abuse.
Their disappearance would have been shocking under any circumstances. But the allegations that preceded it make the case especially disturbing.
According to the families, disagreements had arisen between NELAN and the Ebonyi State Government over project supervision, certification of completed work, and control of payments. They allege that the engineers refused to compromise their professional obligations by certifying work outside the procedures required under the AfDB-financed contract.
These allegations have been denied, and no court has established that they are connected to the disappearance. Yet they provide a context that any serious investigation cannot afford to ignore.
The rule of law demands neither blind acceptance of accusations nor premature dismissal of them. It demands an impartial investigation guided solely by evidence.
Instead, the public has been presented with a series of troubling contradictions.
The engineers disappeared without trace. Government officials reportedly attributed the incident to communal violence. Later, public statements suggested they had been killed based on alleged confessions, even while investigations were reportedly still ongoing. Yet no bodies have been conclusively identified.
Perhaps the most disturbing aspect is the reported DNA evidence. According to the families, skeletal remains presented as belonging to the missing engineers were subjected to independent DNA analysis, which reportedly excluded them as belonging to the victims. One set of remains was reportedly identified as female.
If accurate, such findings raise fundamental questions. What became of the original investigation? Why were contradictory forensic findings not fully explained? What happened to the search for the missing engineers?
These are not political questions. They are questions of justice.
Equally troubling are reports that prosecutions proceeded while the fate of the victims remained uncertain and that the proceedings have since become stalled. Justice delayed is often justice denied—not only for defendants but also for victims and their families.
The wives of the missing engineers have refused to allow the case to disappear into official silence. Their petitions to the President, the National Assembly, the National Human Rights Commission, security agencies, and professional bodies reflect not merely personal grief but an insistence that the Nigerian state fulfil its constitutional obligations.
Their central demand is simple: tell us the truth.
The Constitution guarantees the right to life. International human rights law imposes on governments a positive obligation to conduct prompt, effective, impartial and transparent investigations whenever people disappear under suspicious circumstances. Families also have a right to know the truth about what happened to their loved ones.
These obligations do not expire with time.
Nor should they depend on the political status of those whose actions may come under scrutiny.
It is equally important to emphasize that allegations against any individual, including former Ebonyi State Governor and current Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, remain allegations unless established through credible evidence and due process. Justice demands accountability, but it also demands fairness. The objective is not to convict people in newspaper headlines or on social media, but to establish the truth through lawful investigation.
Precisely because allegations and counter-allegations have persisted for years without resolution, there is now a compelling case for an independent federal-level review of the investigation. Such a review should involve investigators with no prior involvement in the matter, modern forensic expertise, and transparent public reporting.
Nigeria cannot afford unresolved disappearances involving professionals carrying out public duties on major infrastructure projects. If engineers, auditors, consultants, journalists, lawyers, or civil servants cannot discharge their professional responsibilities without fear, public accountability itself becomes endangered.
This case is therefore about far more than five missing engineers.
It is about whether public institutions inspire confidence or suspicion.
It is about whether forensic evidence is pursued wherever it leads.
It is about whether political influence can overshadow justice.
Above all, it is about whether every Nigerian life carries equal value before the law.
The families have waited for nearly five years. That is far too long.
Justice demands answers.
The rule of law demands accountability.
Nigeria demands the truth.
Special Report
Travails of Uche NNAJI, A Rebuttal

The attention of Enugu State Government has been drawn to a salacious report in the social media, credited to one Igboayaka O.Igboayaka, purportedly of Ohaneze Youth council, wherein he made an obvious, clearly laughable attempt to drag the name and office of Executive Governor of Enugu State, His Excellency, Dr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, into odious travails of disgraced former Minister of Science and Technology, Uche NNAJI.
It was obviously a convenient, last ditch effort to deflect attention and liability by dragging the name of the Governor into the mess Uche NNAJI had single-handedly inflicted on himself!
Pray, up until this moment, at what point in this matter did the name of Dr Mbah, feature in all these, whether as complainant or witness?
When did red herring become an acceptable defence against certificate forgery?
On all available records, the Federal Republic of Nigeria is the complainant in the criminal complaint against Uche Nnaji, definitely NOT Peter Mbah!
It is, therefore , absurd and disingenuous to think that accusing a perceived adversary of involvement in one’s unsavoury situation, in itself, would mitigate assured fate, tilt public opinion or hamstring legitimate law enforcement.
It is germain to state categorically here, that Governor Peter Mbah has filed no complaints against Uche NNAJI anywhere, civil or criminal.
Is being a sitting Governor sufficient to make one accountable for all criminal liabilities of any or all his opponents?
It would have been better for cheap hirelings like Igboayaka to explore available legal and/or judicial means under the law, to assist Mr NNAJI prove his innocence swiftly, rather than spending precious time and effort seeking to drag in someone that has nothing whatsoever, to do with his situation.
And threatening a statutory institution like ICPC, to dissuade it from performing it’s lawful duty, because a politically exposed person is involved, would set a dangerous precedent: availing criminal immunity to all manner of fugitives, who ordinarily deserve to be in jail.
It is unhelpful, indeed unnecessary here, going into the merits or demerits of the case against suspect, Uche Nnaji, but it would have made better sense to channel his endeavours to mounting a credible legal defence for self, than procuring charlatans and social media goons, to seek to use blackmail and intimidation to help him escape justice.
The best a well-advised accused person can ask for, is an expeditious, free and fair trial, not immunity !
Uche NNAJI should be anxious and ready for his impending day in court,so he can have the chance to prove his innocence, once and for all…
His Excellency,Governor Peter Mbah, is focused on governance, and has neither interest in, nor time for frivolities.
Signed:
Onyekwere Nwobodo
Special Adviser on Media, to the Executive Governor.
July 8,2026.
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Orowo
November 28, 2023 at 9:52 am
Points to note:
1. A cursory look at Exhibits A31 and A32 discloses that they are marked “SAMPLE” and not copies issued and destroyed along other certificates.
2. The Plaintiff was absent from the proceedings and his sole witness stated that there was no need to sign to receive NYSC Certificate. I am sure as a former corps member, you know the correct position.
3. The practice of NYSC does not involve the use of Temporary or substantive files in the issuance of certificates, if this were to be so, certificates from Temporary files would be so marked.
4. The Court already made an assertion at the beginning of the Judgment to the effect that certificates are issued in anticipation of completion of National Service.
5. Since he was reinstated to continue his service and not start afresh, his certificate should bear the original date which is 2001 and not 2002/3 when he eventually completed his service.
6. By law only an issuing authority has the capacity to declare the authenticity or otherwise of a certificate issued by it. (Consider this misapplication in election petition matters where the Court now assume the role of INEC to declare a candidate a winner.)
7. By law, Mr. Victor Udeh lacked the capacity to testify to the facts as his personal experience ended at issuance of clearance letters. He never went to NYSC secretariat with the Plaintiff so everything he testified to was as he was told by the Plaintiff. (Take note that hearsay evidence is not admissible)
8. The testimony of the DSS which has been relied on in this article was discountenanced by the Court as the DSS has no business in investigating certificate issuance matters. The report tendered did not indicate by which authority it was issued, it was therefore discarded as useless. Unfortunately, even though the Court discarded his testimony he still went ahead to rely on it to arrive at the conclusions on the Temporary and substantive files.