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Enugu East Senate: Why Chimaroke Nnamani was defeated 

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By Onyekachi Nwodo

In a 25th September 2022 tweet, former governor of Enugu State, Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani, chided critics, who vowed to punish him in the 2023 polls or warned him to watch the mode of politics he was playing ahead of the general election. Part of that tweet reads: “Let’s assume I lose? Will you cry for me? I go home singing alleluia? Governor! Senator? 23 years? Win-win”.

Unfortunately, he has refused to allow Nkanu land, the PDP, and Enugu State any rest since his defeat. He has blamed everyone else but himself for his loss. Since he doesn’t seem to understand why he lost his re-election, I have undertaken to highlight 10 out of a thousand and one reasons he lost for him to reflect on and thank me later.

1. Political miscalculation and false sense of invincibility*: Nnamani should admit that he totally misread the 2023 general election. He misjudged the dynamics of that election, underrated the determination of OBIdients and typically overrated himself. He swan against the current of the overwhelming quest for Igbo presidency represented by Peter Obi. Even when the Church got involved, Nnamani went on campaigning, not even for PDP’s presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, but for Bola Tinubu of the APC. Yet Nnamani felt that even if he defecated in the church, the people would simply clap and vote for him. In the aforementioned 25th September tweet, he said: “Do I have problem winning election in Enugu? …Be serious and think! Who will beat me in an election in Enugu?” He suddenly forgot that he could not win even a single councillorship seat and consistently lost his senatorial bid during his Peoples Democratic Change (PDC) experiment until he retired to America. So, his claim to political invincibility ahead of 2023 elections is a psychosis and self-delusion of monumental proportions that should interest political scholars.

2. He did not campaign*: Let Nnamani show Nigerians anywhere he PERSONALLY mounted the podium to address a single campaign rally during the campaign window from October 2022 to Thursday, March 16. He did not even show up at any of the town hall meetings in the 68 Development Areas/Centres by the governorship candidate of his party, Dr. Peter Mbah, not even one that held at Agbani. Nnamani did not also personally participate in a single community or ward tours of his party.

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3. Poor representation*: Only one good turn deserves another. We cannot be reinforcing the failure and wasted years that Nnamani’s eight years in the Senate (2007 to 2011 and 2019 to 2023) represent. Nnoli Nnaji’s four years as a Member of House of Representatives have totally eclipsed Ebeano’s eight years as a Senator. Even the few projects that he got, he took to his private investments like the Mea Mater College at Ojiagu Agbani. He equally failed Nkanu as govenernor for eight years. The good roads in Nkanu land today, including Ozalla-Agbani-Akpugo-Amagunze road leading to his hometown were courtesy of a senator from another zone and Nnoli Nnaji has now taken over.

4. Political greed*: If Nnamani was truly interested in a governor of Nkanu extraction, the sensible thing he should have done was to cede the senatorial seat to Isi-Uzo LGA, especially in view of the far-reaching campaign and plots by a section of the state to usurp that opportunity. But he was the first to pick the PDP Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms for the Senate in Enugu State without recourse to Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi. In other words, it was his senatorial seat over and above everything else. Yet he expected Isi-Uzo to clap and vote for him.

5. He was far removed from the people*: Nnamani’s case is the case of the proverbial Eze Onyeagwanam, who forbade his people to correct him or call his attention to anything going wrong with or around him. So, on a day his royal regalia was stained by excreta, he wore it to the new yam festival at the market square because no one could come close or tell him a thing. Nnamani felt he was a deity and that what entire Nkanu land and the PDP owed him was libations.

He loathed the ordinary people and looked down on the political heavyweights of the clan. This can be confirmed from the lines in his March and April 2023, tweets calling his people vipers and claiming that he sacrificed his youth for Nkanu, delivering them from political morass. Are you kidding me? The same man that Jim Nwobodo, on the insistence of Nkanu people, helped to make a governor at about age of 39 when as Senator Ken Nnamani would usually recall, he had not moulded block in Enugu?
The same man that Nkanu people, including Chief Uche Nnaji (Nwakibie) literally bankrolled his governorship project only for him to throw everyone under the bus? To think that this is the same man, who left his surname and chose Nnamani to be able to clinch a scholarship courtesy of his uncle leaves one perplexed at his ingratitude.

6. The corruption tag*: There is the corruption tag that follows Chimaroke Nnamani that needs not be serialised here. The general feeling is that he stole Enugu State blind, invested the same money right inside Enugu – Agbani, Rangers Avenue, etc. to rub it in our faces. His companies have been officially been taken over in plea bargains and, in fact, the general belief is that any misgovernance, malfeasance, and underdevelopment that hunts Enugu State today, has its origin in Chimaroke Nnamani as the first governor of post-military era Enugu State. He milked the state dry.

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7. Electoral reforms*: Whereas in the past, Chimaroke Nnamani could have rigged himself into the Senate, electoral reforms have vitiated most of his former winning formulas. Nnamani still fails to reckon the implications of the introduction of more technologies like the BVAS, direct transmission of election results, the I-Rev technology, etc. in the electoral process in the Electoral ACT 2022. He still lives in the days when men toiled and queued under the scorching sun casting ballots while his goons manufactured results in the cool comforts of hotel rooms. That is exactly why he easily concluded that he was rigged out and that those, who purportedly rigged him out, also rigged for the same Labour Party that did everything within their powers to stop Mbah’s declaration as the winner and issuance of Certificate of Return to him. It doesn’t just add up at all. Much as our elections still have a long way to go, they are much better than the system operated in the heydays of Ebeano.

8. Growing sophistication of Enugu voters*: Chimaroke still lives in a world where an average voter, voted political parties instead of candidates. That is the only way he expected everyone, who voted for Dr. Peter Mbah to vote for him. I am from Akpugo, but I registered to vote in Enugu East LGA where I reside. I am incurably OBIdient and voted for Obi in the presidential election. But I’m not a Labourer. If the governorship election had held on 11th March, I could have voted for Frank Nweke of APGA. Mbah was never on the menu for me. And it had nothing to do with him as a person, but about his association with Chimaroke Nnamani and the PDP. But after listening to him on Urban FM a few days to the rescheduled election, it was clear to my mind that he was by every stretch of judgment the most qualified in terms of intellect, plan for the state, exposure, reach, and what one has built outside the government. And there were many like me, who were able to look beyond the political platforms of candidates to look at their capacity, character, and competence. So, on the same day, I voted for Labour Party in the senate and House of Assembly elections, but voted for Peter Mbah in the governorship ballot; likewise everyone in my family and circle of friends. Examples abound across the country.

9. The death of Oyibo Chukwu* : The death of Oyibo Chukwu, the senatorial candidate of the Labour Party sounded the death knell on Ebeano’s re-election bid. Honestly, I doubt that he was assassinated; and if he was, I would look inwards in the search for the culprits because Chimaroke should be smart enough to know that he stood to lose more from Oyibo’s demise. Predictably, Chijioke Edeoga, Nnia Nwodo, LP, and the deceased relations dramatised it. They held rallies and even brought Obi on a condolence visit. Unfortunately for Chimaroke, reputation was not on his side. Also, public sympathy naturally went with Oyibo Chukwu’s younger brother. Again, the death worsened the divisions in Nkanu land against Chimaroke.

10. A brutal past and present* : Chimaroke’s political history is reminiscent of political brutality that Enugu people want to forget in a hurry. His eight-year reign was underpinned by a scorched earth policy that brooked not oppositions and took no prisoners. The tales of inexplicable political murders like that of Hon. Nwabueze Ugwu’s brother are still fresh on people’s minds. Boys prowled the streets with “iron” and the political promotions that brought dimwits to limelight were predicated on ability to visit terror and violence on voices of dissent – be it the Church, priests, and political opponents. In Ebeano’s heydays, who could have freely abused him as a sitting Governor and still sleep in Enugu State? Even at his age, we saw how he physically attacked Chijioke Edeoga during the PDP governorship primary and how his thugs nearly killed a former Enugu South Council Chairman, Chiene I. Chiene in his presence.

Chimaroke Nnamani should sing alleluia and retire – just as he tweeted on 25th September. Fortunes have smiled on him. But he should also take out time to reflect and mend his ways should he still want to remain politically relevant. Trying to delegitimise Mbah’s victory on the ground that Mbah won on the same day that he lost is a no-brainer. It boils down to his characteristic envy that makes him hate to behold a greater than himself and that super delusion that always makes him think that nobody can amount to anything without him.

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Ironically, if their was one single reason Mbah struggled with that election, it was the Chimaroke Nnamani, whose association weighed down on his candidacy like a load of weight sand. For most of us, especially the OBIdients, the more he attacks Mbah, the more we love the governor-elect. We are happy that our worst fears of an overbearing godfather breathing down a governor’s neck were ill founded.

• Nwodo writes from Abakpa-Nike, Enugu

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Politics

2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

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A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.

Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.

He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.

Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.

“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.

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“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?

“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.

Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?

According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?

Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”

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He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.

“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.

“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.

“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.

According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.

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“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.

Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.

He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.

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2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

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By PETRUS OBI

Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.

It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.

At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.

Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?

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Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.

Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.

His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.

Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.

Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.

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The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.

More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.

That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?

The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.

Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.

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He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.

That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.

The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.

In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.

Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.

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That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.

The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.

Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.

There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.

Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.

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Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.

With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.

More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.

The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.

But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.

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Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.

That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.

The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.

Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.

If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.

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He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.

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2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

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The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has explained why he could not have served as Director-General of President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 Presidential Campaign Council, saying he is not a member of the All Progressives Congress and does not want to risk losing his states.

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.

Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.

According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.

“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.

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“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.

“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!

“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”

Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.

“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.

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“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.

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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.

“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.

“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.

“So, we had our own strategies on how the president would emerge,” he said.
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Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.

“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.

Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.

“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.

“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.

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The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.

Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.

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Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

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By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

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Awkunanaw Clan gives ‘Ofo’ to their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, the NDC 2027 Enugu state Guber candidate

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The people of Awkunanaw clan comprising 22 autonomous communities that span Enugu South and Nkanu West Local Government Areas of Enugu state declared their total support for the governorship ambition of their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, who is the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, 2027 governorship candidate for Enugu state.

The elders and thousands of the people of these 22 communities namely, Omuoha, Amechi Obuoffia, Ndi Uno Obuoffia, Amangwu, Ndi Agu Obuoffia, Amegu Akegbe, Attakwu, Obeaghu, Akegbe Ugwu(Okwuo) Umuatugbuoma, Umueze, Amechi Uwani, Amechi Uno, Amechi, Ugwuaji, Obegu Ugwuaji, Akwuke, Akwuke Uwani, Amodu Okowo, Okpebe, Obeagu, and Obeagu Uno gathered in their ancestral home, Ihuani Okunano at Ndi Uno Obuoffia where they prayed and gave the traditional ‘Ofo’ to Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, endorsing him, and expressing their total support, for his 2027 governorship ambition.

The elders led by the oldest man in the clan, the 104 years-old Chief Emmanuel Agwa Onovo from Akegbe Ugwu (Okwuo), extolled the public life and philantropy of Sir Chinyeaka, and prayed that God and the good people of Enugu State would vote for his victory in the 2027 governorship election. They recalled the hundreds of people of Awkunanaw clan and beyond who have been lifted by his philantropy, and how he single-handedly built the magnificient Akpasha town hall, the meeting venue of the Awkunanaw clan.

“The significance of the event,” according to the eldest man in the clan who presided over the ceremony, “is that the ‘Ofo’ provides a spiritual shield, acting as a direct link to the ancestors and God, serving as spiritual licence that justifies the warrior’s cause”

Chief Mark Ngene, a 98 year old former Director in Enugu state Local Government System, and a leading voice in Awkunanaw Clan, said, “Sir Chinyeaka’s public service record presents him as the people’s warrior and a trusted son of Igbo land who, as he goes to battle, is, today, the 19th day of August, 2026, presented with an ‘Ofo’ staff which serves as a sacred act of spiritual arming, devine endorsement rooted in a ]covenant of truth and an impending overwhelming victory in the 2027 governorship election”

Speaking after recieving the ‘Ofo,’ Sir Chinyeaka thanked the elders, the Awkunanaw people, NDC candidates and supporters, who graced the occassion. He said, “What you just witnessed, today, the 19th day of August 2026, marking the commencement of electioneering campaign for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections, is the gifting of the victory baton, traditionally called, ‘Ofo,’ in Igbo land, given to my humble self by the Awkunanaw clan, led by the Council of Elders, the traditional ‘Ofo’ custodians, ‘aka ji ‘Ofo,’ of the 22 autonomous communities of the clan.
‘Ofo’ is imbued with authority over adversaries and enables the holder to triumph over obstacles and or challenges. I recall that on this ground where I am standing, stood His Excellency Jim Nwobodo in 1979 during the build-up to the then Anambra State governorship election, and recieved this same sacred ‘Ofo’ from the elders of Awkunanaw clan. He, subsequently, won the governorship election. Similarly, in 2005, on this same spot, this same ‘Ofo’ was given to Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani when he contested the position of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he, too, won.”

Concluding, he said, “With this ‘Ofo,’ I am now fully prepared to go for the 2027 governorship election in Enugu state and win seamlessly to the glory of God.”

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Several NDC chieftains and candidates in the 2027 election attended the ceremony. They included the deputy governorship candidate, Chief Frank Omeje, Enugu West Senatorial candidate, Chief Chinedu Ene. Others were House of Representatives candidates: Awgu/Aninri/Oji River, Dr. John Nwokeabia, Nsukka/Igboeze South, Dr. Hilary Onyishi (Ikemba), Nkanu West/Nkanu East, Hon. El shaddai Chinemerem Ike, Igbo Etiti/Uzouwani, Barr. Fide Ani. House of Assembly candidate for Enugu South Urban constituency, Mrs Ngozi Agbo, was also present.

Other NDC Chieftains present were Barr. Emeka Okeke, former Enugu State Commissioner for Chieftaincy Matters, Chief Kentus Eze, former SPA to Governor Ugwuanyi, Chief Emeka Madu, former member Enugu state House of Assembly, Chief Hycinth Ngwu, former APC Chieftain and Director, FAAN, Dr Vincent Obeta, former MD NEWMAP, Dr. Anthony Okenwa-Ani, former Chairman, Nkanu Local Government, and a host of others.

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