Politics
Enugu East Senate: Why Chimaroke Nnamani was defeated
In a 25th September 2022 tweet, former governor of Enugu State, Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani, chided critics, who vowed to punish him in the 2023 polls or warned him to watch the mode of politics he was playing ahead of the general election. Part of that tweet reads: “Let’s assume I lose? Will you cry for me? I go home singing alleluia? Governor! Senator? 23 years? Win-win”.
Unfortunately, he has refused to allow Nkanu land, the PDP, and Enugu State any rest since his defeat. He has blamed everyone else but himself for his loss. Since he doesn’t seem to understand why he lost his re-election, I have undertaken to highlight 10 out of a thousand and one reasons he lost for him to reflect on and thank me later.
1. Political miscalculation and false sense of invincibility*: Nnamani should admit that he totally misread the 2023 general election. He misjudged the dynamics of that election, underrated the determination of OBIdients and typically overrated himself. He swan against the current of the overwhelming quest for Igbo presidency represented by Peter Obi. Even when the Church got involved, Nnamani went on campaigning, not even for PDP’s presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, but for Bola Tinubu of the APC. Yet Nnamani felt that even if he defecated in the church, the people would simply clap and vote for him. In the aforementioned 25th September tweet, he said: “Do I have problem winning election in Enugu? …Be serious and think! Who will beat me in an election in Enugu?” He suddenly forgot that he could not win even a single councillorship seat and consistently lost his senatorial bid during his Peoples Democratic Change (PDC) experiment until he retired to America. So, his claim to political invincibility ahead of 2023 elections is a psychosis and self-delusion of monumental proportions that should interest political scholars.
2. He did not campaign*: Let Nnamani show Nigerians anywhere he PERSONALLY mounted the podium to address a single campaign rally during the campaign window from October 2022 to Thursday, March 16. He did not even show up at any of the town hall meetings in the 68 Development Areas/Centres by the governorship candidate of his party, Dr. Peter Mbah, not even one that held at Agbani. Nnamani did not also personally participate in a single community or ward tours of his party.
3. Poor representation*: Only one good turn deserves another. We cannot be reinforcing the failure and wasted years that Nnamani’s eight years in the Senate (2007 to 2011 and 2019 to 2023) represent. Nnoli Nnaji’s four years as a Member of House of Representatives have totally eclipsed Ebeano’s eight years as a Senator. Even the few projects that he got, he took to his private investments like the Mea Mater College at Ojiagu Agbani. He equally failed Nkanu as govenernor for eight years. The good roads in Nkanu land today, including Ozalla-Agbani-Akpugo-Amagunze road leading to his hometown were courtesy of a senator from another zone and Nnoli Nnaji has now taken over.
4. Political greed*: If Nnamani was truly interested in a governor of Nkanu extraction, the sensible thing he should have done was to cede the senatorial seat to Isi-Uzo LGA, especially in view of the far-reaching campaign and plots by a section of the state to usurp that opportunity. But he was the first to pick the PDP Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms for the Senate in Enugu State without recourse to Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi. In other words, it was his senatorial seat over and above everything else. Yet he expected Isi-Uzo to clap and vote for him.
5. He was far removed from the people*: Nnamani’s case is the case of the proverbial Eze Onyeagwanam, who forbade his people to correct him or call his attention to anything going wrong with or around him. So, on a day his royal regalia was stained by excreta, he wore it to the new yam festival at the market square because no one could come close or tell him a thing. Nnamani felt he was a deity and that what entire Nkanu land and the PDP owed him was libations.
6. The corruption tag*: There is the corruption tag that follows Chimaroke Nnamani that needs not be serialised here. The general feeling is that he stole Enugu State blind, invested the same money right inside Enugu – Agbani, Rangers Avenue, etc. to rub it in our faces. His companies have been officially been taken over in plea bargains and, in fact, the general belief is that any misgovernance, malfeasance, and underdevelopment that hunts Enugu State today, has its origin in Chimaroke Nnamani as the first governor of post-military era Enugu State. He milked the state dry.
7. Electoral reforms*: Whereas in the past, Chimaroke Nnamani could have rigged himself into the Senate, electoral reforms have vitiated most of his former winning formulas. Nnamani still fails to reckon the implications of the introduction of more technologies like the BVAS, direct transmission of election results, the I-Rev technology, etc. in the electoral process in the Electoral ACT 2022. He still lives in the days when men toiled and queued under the scorching sun casting ballots while his goons manufactured results in the cool comforts of hotel rooms. That is exactly why he easily concluded that he was rigged out and that those, who purportedly rigged him out, also rigged for the same Labour Party that did everything within their powers to stop Mbah’s declaration as the winner and issuance of Certificate of Return to him. It doesn’t just add up at all. Much as our elections still have a long way to go, they are much better than the system operated in the heydays of Ebeano.
8. Growing sophistication of Enugu voters*: Chimaroke still lives in a world where an average voter, voted political parties instead of candidates. That is the only way he expected everyone, who voted for Dr. Peter Mbah to vote for him. I am from Akpugo, but I registered to vote in Enugu East LGA where I reside. I am incurably OBIdient and voted for Obi in the presidential election. But I’m not a Labourer. If the governorship election had held on 11th March, I could have voted for Frank Nweke of APGA. Mbah was never on the menu for me. And it had nothing to do with him as a person, but about his association with Chimaroke Nnamani and the PDP. But after listening to him on Urban FM a few days to the rescheduled election, it was clear to my mind that he was by every stretch of judgment the most qualified in terms of intellect, plan for the state, exposure, reach, and what one has built outside the government. And there were many like me, who were able to look beyond the political platforms of candidates to look at their capacity, character, and competence. So, on the same day, I voted for Labour Party in the senate and House of Assembly elections, but voted for Peter Mbah in the governorship ballot; likewise everyone in my family and circle of friends. Examples abound across the country.
9. The death of Oyibo Chukwu* : The death of Oyibo Chukwu, the senatorial candidate of the Labour Party sounded the death knell on Ebeano’s re-election bid. Honestly, I doubt that he was assassinated; and if he was, I would look inwards in the search for the culprits because Chimaroke should be smart enough to know that he stood to lose more from Oyibo’s demise. Predictably, Chijioke Edeoga, Nnia Nwodo, LP, and the deceased relations dramatised it. They held rallies and even brought Obi on a condolence visit. Unfortunately for Chimaroke, reputation was not on his side. Also, public sympathy naturally went with Oyibo Chukwu’s younger brother. Again, the death worsened the divisions in Nkanu land against Chimaroke.
10. A brutal past and present* : Chimaroke’s political history is reminiscent of political brutality that Enugu people want to forget in a hurry. His eight-year reign was underpinned by a scorched earth policy that brooked not oppositions and took no prisoners. The tales of inexplicable political murders like that of Hon. Nwabueze Ugwu’s brother are still fresh on people’s minds. Boys prowled the streets with “iron” and the political promotions that brought dimwits to limelight were predicated on ability to visit terror and violence on voices of dissent – be it the Church, priests, and political opponents. In Ebeano’s heydays, who could have freely abused him as a sitting Governor and still sleep in Enugu State? Even at his age, we saw how he physically attacked Chijioke Edeoga during the PDP governorship primary and how his thugs nearly killed a former Enugu South Council Chairman, Chiene I. Chiene in his presence.
Chimaroke Nnamani should sing alleluia and retire – just as he tweeted on 25th September. Fortunes have smiled on him. But he should also take out time to reflect and mend his ways should he still want to remain politically relevant. Trying to delegitimise Mbah’s victory on the ground that Mbah won on the same day that he lost is a no-brainer. It boils down to his characteristic envy that makes him hate to behold a greater than himself and that super delusion that always makes him think that nobody can amount to anything without him.
Ironically, if their was one single reason Mbah struggled with that election, it was the Chimaroke Nnamani, whose association weighed down on his candidacy like a load of weight sand. For most of us, especially the OBIdients, the more he attacks Mbah, the more we love the governor-elect. We are happy that our worst fears of an overbearing godfather breathing down a governor’s neck were ill founded.
• Nwodo writes from Abakpa-Nike, Enugu
By Petrus Obi, London
London — The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship aspirant in Ebonyi State, Ifeanyi Odii, has intensified his criticism of the administration of Governor Francis Nwifuru, insisting that the people of the state deserve a different approach to governance.
Odii, who spoke with EverydayNewsngr.net in London, said what he described as the “fire brigade approach” of the Nwifuru administration was not the kind of governance Ebonyi needs.
According to him, the state requires a government with a clear vision, long-term planning and the capacity to deliver meaningful development to its people.
“The fire brigade approach of the Nwifuru government is not what the state needs,” Odii said.
He added: “I am coming to bring a new lease of life to my people.”
Odii’s comments come amid renewed political debate in Ebonyi State following the recent removal of the state Commissioner for Works. The development has attracted attention from opposition circles, with critics using it to question aspects of the administration’s handling of governance and infrastructure.
The PDP chieftain said the people of Ebonyi should expect more than what he described as reactive governance, arguing that development should be driven by a coherent programme capable of producing lasting results.
He maintained that his political ambition was motivated by a desire to provide what he described as purposeful leadership and improve the welfare of residents across the state.
“We deserve better government in Ebonyi State,” Odii said, stressing that his vision was centred on giving the people renewed confidence in government and creating opportunities for them to prosper.
As political activities ahead of the next governorship election continue to gather momentum, governance, infrastructure, accountability and the delivery of public services are expected to feature prominently in the emerging contest.
Odii’s intervention in London is likely to add further momentum to the political conversation, particularly as opposition figures seek to distinguish their vision for Ebonyi from that of the incumbent administration.
STATEMENT BY CHIEF EMMANUEL CHIDI IGWE,
SPOKESPERSON TO CHIEF DR. IFEANYI CHUKWUMA ODII
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State is not a family affair, nor is it a matter to be decided by one individual or political godfather. It is a democratic contest, and Ebonyians will ultimately decide who becomes their governor through the ballot box.
No aspirant should be expected to step down simply because another politician believes he should. Every qualified candidate has the right to contest, present his programme and seek the mandate of the people.
Let me make this clear: since Senator Dave Umahi did not bring Chief Dr. Ifeanyi Chukwuma Odii into the governorship race, he cannot now claim the authority to ask him to step down. Chief Odii has his own political identity, supporters, convictions and legitimate right to seek the mandate of Ebonyians.
The decision to contest or withdraw belongs to the candidate, while the ultimate decision on who governs Ebonyi State belongs to the people.
The 2027 election should therefore be about issues, programmes, records, accountability and the future of Ebonyi—not political arrangements made by individuals behind closed doors.
Chief Dr. Ifeanyi Chukwuma Odii is prepared to place his vision and programme before Ebonyians and subject them to public scrutiny. Those seeking to retain power should equally be prepared to defend their records before the electorate.
Ebonyi 2027 is not a family arrangement. It is a contest for the confidence of the people. The people of Ebonyi State—not individuals—will have the final say.
Chief Emmanuel Chidi Igwe
Spokesperson to Chief Dr. Ifeanyi Chukwuma Odii
Politics
BREAKING: SaharaReporters Report on Arrest of Enugu Traditional Ruler, Ex-Lawmaker Is False and Misleading
The recent publication by SaharaReporters alleging that prominent Enugu traditional ruler, Igwe Obiora Igwesi, his brother and former federal lawmaker, Hon. Uchenna Sunday A. Igwesi (USA Igwesi), and eight others were arrested over an alleged attack on an NDC ward meeting in Obuoffia, Nkanu West Local Government Area, is false and deeply misleading.
The report is being described as a deliberate attempt to damage the reputation of respected leaders in Enugu State and create unnecessary political tension ahead of the 2027 elections.
Contrary to the claims contained in the publication, there was no arrest ordered by the Inspector-General of Police against Igwe Obiora Igwesi, Hon. USA Igwesi, or the other individuals named in connection with any alleged attack on an NDC meeting. There was also no operation by detectives from Zone 13 Command, Ukpo, Dunukofia, Anambra State, as alleged in the report.
Similarly, the purported petition dated September 15, 2026, and the allegations of conspiracy, unlawful possession of firearms, attempted murder, assault, threatening violence and stealing are strongly disputed and described as fabricated claims intended to create a damaging narrative around the individuals concerned.
The broader allegation that the 17 Local Government Areas of Enugu State have experienced coordinated armed attacks allegedly sponsored by Local Government Chairmen to silence the opposition is equally rejected as unfounded.
Attempts to associate Igwe Obiora Igwesi and Hon. USA Igwesi with criminal activity or political violence are viewed as an unacceptable effort to tarnish the image of individuals who have served their communities and contributed to the development of Enugu State.
The public, particularly the people of Enugu State, is therefore urged to exercise caution and verify the facts independently before accepting or circulating the allegations contained in the SaharaReporters publication.
Enugu State remains focused on peace, stability and development. Political disagreements should not be allowed to degenerate into the circulation of unverified allegations capable of inflaming tensions or damaging the reputations of individuals.
The position being maintained by the affected parties is clear: there was no arrest of the named individuals in connection with the alleged incident, no evidence has been presented establishing that any Local Government Chairman sponsored an attack, and the allegations contained in the publication are disputed in their entirety.
The public is encouraged to await verifiable facts from the appropriate authorities rather than rely on claims that have not been independently substantiated.
Fresh legal questions emerge over Chijioke Ugwu’s membership registration after Supreme Court restores party-register provisions
By Our Correspondent
Fresh legal questions have emerged over the Peoples Democratic Party’s 2027 governorship ticket in Enugu State following the Supreme Court’s restoration of key provisions of the Electoral Act dealing with political party membership registers and the conduct of primaries.
The questions centre on Chief Chijioke Peter Ugwu, who was recently announced by the PDP governorship candidate, Chief Uche Geoffrey Nnaji, as his running mate.
Nnaji announced Ugwu’s selection on September 24, shortly after the Supreme Court delivered its landmark judgment restoring Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2) of the Electoral Act 2026. Ugwu’s selection was subsequently reported by several Nigerian media outlets.
But documents and information available to this newspaper raise a question that could potentially become significant if the PDP ticket is challenged in court.
The PDP governorship primary in Enugu State was conducted on May 25, 2026.
However, Ugwu is understood to have registered as a PDP member on May 31, 2026 — six days after the governorship primary.
This means that if the May 31 registration date is accurately reflected in the party’s official records, his name could not have appeared in the PDP membership register submitted to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) before the May 25 governorship primary.
That immediately raises the question:
Can a person who was not a member of the party on the date of its governorship primary subsequently be selected as the deputy governorship candidate without the Supreme Court’s restored membership-register provisions affecting the ticket?
What the Supreme Court restored
The Supreme Court, in a unanimous judgment delivered on September 24, set aside the Court of Appeal’s earlier decision which had declared the disputed provisions of the Electoral Act unconstitutional.
The apex court upheld the validity of Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2), following an appeal by INEC against the Court of Appeal judgment in the case involving the Zenith Labour Party.
Section 77(5) provides that only persons whose names are contained in a political party’s membership register submitted to INEC at least 21 days before a primary, congress or convention may participate in the exercise.
Section 77(6) requires political parties to use the membership register submitted to INEC for their primaries, congresses and conventions.
Section 77(7) deals with the consequence of failure by a party to submit its membership register within the prescribed period.
These provisions are now back in force following the Supreme Court judgment. Legal opinions suggest that the law’s insistence on the membership register submitted to INEC is relevant to the validity of the party’s eventual nomination process, depending on how the PDP formally nominated and submitted its governorship and deputy governorship candidates.
The precise documents will therefore be crucial.
Among the questions likely to arise are:
What date did the PDP submit its membership register to INEC?
Was Ugwu’s name contained in that register?
When exactly did Ugwu become a registered PDP member?
Was he a PDP member before the register was submitted to INEC?
How did the PDP formally nominate him as running mate?
Was the nomination made through a procedure recognised by the Electoral Act and the party’s constitution?
The controversy is coming at a sensitive time for the PDP, which has only recently unveiled Ugwu as Nnaji’s running mate. Ugwu, from Nguru in Nsukka Local Government Area, is an entrepreneur, philanthropist and community leader who runs businesses in logistics, contracting, consultancy and hospitality.
However, the governorship candidate and the deputy governorship candidate constitute a single electoral ticket. Therefore, any legal or constitutional issue affecting the eligibility of the deputy governorship candidate automatically has implications for the validity of the joint ticket, including the governorship candidate.
Another legal opinion available to this newspaper insists that “the gubernatorial ticket is a joint one. If the name of a deputy governor is not on the digital register, it invalidates the entire process.”
In the 2019 Bayelsa governorship election, APC’s David Lyon was declared winner. His running mate was Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo.
The Supreme Court later disqualified Degi-Eremienyo over the documents he submitted to INEC. The crucial point was that the Supreme Court held that his disqualification affected the joint ticket he shared with David Lyon. Consequently, the court ordered INEC to withdraw the Certificate of Return issued to Lyon and his deputy.
This happened one day before Lyon was due to be sworn in as governor. The certificate was subsequently issued to Douye Diri of the PDP, who had the next-highest lawful votes and the required geographical spread.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has announced that the collection of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) will commence nationwide on October 9.
The development has prompted calls for eligible voters to visit the INEC office in their respective Local Government Areas to collect their PVCs and ensure they are prepared to participate in the electoral process.
Meanwhile, supporters of Hon. Engr. Anayo Onwuegbu, Omeiheukwu Akpugoeze, have urged constituents in the Aninri/Awgu/Oji River Federal Constituency to support his bid for a second term in the Federal House of Representatives.
The supporters made the appeal while encouraging eligible residents to collect their PVCs and exercise their franchise in the forthcoming election.
Voters are advised to follow official INEC guidelines and verify the applicable collection procedures and dates before visiting their designated collection centres.
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