Politics
APC Senate Primaries: ‘Senator’ Attacks Journalists in Ebonyi, Rochas Crashes Out as Abiodun, Uzodimma, Bello Win
The exercise produced one of the most striking outcomes in recent party history, with several political heavyweights — including former governors and serving powerbrokers — losing out, while a new set of influential figures secured the party’s senatorial tickets amid a mix of contested primaries, consensus arrangements, and disputed clearances.
Former Ogun State governors Gbenga Daniel (Ogun East) and Ibidapo Amosun (Ogun Central) shunned the exercise while Governor Hope Uzodimma of Imo State triumphed over ex-Governor Rochas Okorocha in the Imo West senatorial primary on Monday.
In Delta, Senator Ifeanyi Okowa defeated incumbent Ned Nwoko in Delta North while Senator Ede Dafinone overcame ex-Senate Deputy President, Ovie Omo-Agege in a tense poll in Delta Central.
Bigwigs like Senate President, Godswill Akpabio; Senate Leader Bamidele Opeyemi, Senator Ali Ndume, and Senator Adams Oshiomhole emerged as consensus aspirants in their various states.
Yahaya Bello wins
Former Kogi State governor Yahaya Bello staged a major political comeback after emerging winner of the APC senatorial primary for Kogi Central with a landslide victory.
Bello polled 72,399 votes to defeat Ibrahim Yakubu Adoje and Momoh Obaro.
In Kano North, Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin also emerged through affirmation amid a massive show of support from party leaders and delegates.
Speaking after the exercise, Barau praised President Bola Tinubu and urged party supporters to remain loyal to the APC.
In Edo South, confusion trailed the APC primary after two separate victory claims emerged from rival camps.
Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama was officially declared winner by the APC collation committee after polling 27,154 votes ahead of Senator Neda Imasuen and Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu.
However, another faction reportedly declared Ize-Iyamu winner of the contest.
Imasuen rejected the entire process, describing it as manipulated.
“There is nothing satisfactory about this sham of an election,” he said. “Some ward chairmen openly told me the party had already adopted a preferred aspirant.”
In Oyo, the party recorded what officials described as a largely peaceful and orderly conduct of its senatorial primaries across the three senatorial districts of the state.
In Ebonyi State, the three APC incumbent senators — Senator Anthony Ani (Ebonyi South), Senator Onyekachi Nwebonyi (Ebonyi North), and Senator Kenneth Eze (Ebonyi Central) —were returned as the party’s candidates following what officials described as strict adherence to a consensus arrangement.
Their emergence came amid a relatively calm collation process in parts of the state.
However, tension erupted at the senatorial collation centre in Onueke, Ezza South Local Government Area, shortly after Senator Kenneth Eze was declared winner for Ebonyi Central by the electoral committee chairman, Senator Anthony Agbo.
The situation degenerated when journalists covering the exercise approached the senator for comments. Eyewitnesses said Eze became visibly agitated and accused some journalists of misrepresentation, refusing to grant interviews.
Attempts by the Ebonyi State NUJ Chairman, Samson Nwafor, to calm the situation reportedly failed, as suspected aides and loyalists of the senator allegedly attacked journalists and NUJ members at the venue, including Kizito Nwankwo.
The incident created panic at the collation centre, overshadowing what had earlier been described as a peaceful exercise.
In Ogun State, the APC senatorial primaries were marked by confusion over participation, high-profile withdrawals, and consensus arrangements across the three senatorial districts.
Deputy Governor Noimot Salako-Oyedele, former Governors Gbenga Daniel and Ibikunle Amosun were notably absent from the exercise in their respective senatorial districts, despite earlier indications of interest.
In Ogun West, reports indicated that only placards of Jimoh Ojugbele were displayed for voting, suggesting a consensus arrangement. A party source said all aspirants, including the deputy governor, stepped down for Ojugbele.
“It is about preserving party unity… everyone submitted to the party’s interest,” the source said.
Daniel’s media aide, Steve Oliyide, said the former governor stayed away from the primary for safety reasons, adding that the decision was to avoid violence.
“We don’t believe our ambition is worth the blood of anyone,” he said, noting that Daniel remained loyal to the party despite withdrawing from the contest.
In Ekiti State, all three incumbent senators secured return tickets for the APC ahead of 2027.
Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele emerged as the consensus candidate for Ekiti Central. Senator Yemi Adaramodu defeated former senator Biodun Olujimi with 12,200 votes against 7,420.
In Ekiti North, Senator Cyril Fasuyi also secured the ticket with 14,179 votes, defeating Senator Ayo Arise.
The exercise, which was held simultaneously across Oyo South, Oyo Central and Oyo North, covered nine local government areas in Oyo South, 11 in Oyo Central, and 13 in Oyo North, with voting taking place in hundreds of wards across the state.
Banigo-Harry, a serving senator and former deputy governor of Rivers State, described her exclusion as “an injustice to women and experienced legislators,” insisting she remained qualified to contest.
In contrast to the tension in Rivers, Akwa Ibom North West Senatorial District witnessed a smooth and celebratory affirmation process, where Senate President Godswill Akpabio emerged unopposed as the APC candidate.
In Lagos State, the APC also returned all three serving senators, Tokunbo Abiru (Lagos East), Wasiu Eshilokun-Sanni (Lagos Central), and Idiat Adebule (Lagos West), through consensus arrangements.
Governor Hope Uzodimma of Imo State was declared the winner of the senatorial primary election for Imo West Senatorial District.
The declaration was made on Monday by the Chairman of the House of Representatives Primary Elections Committee for Imo State, Rear Admiral Kayode Williams (retd.), who also served as the Returning Officer for the exercise.
Announcing the result, Williams said Uzodimma polled a total of 230,464 votes to defeat former Governor Rochas Okorocha, who scored 1,098 votes in the contest.
Former Kaduna State Governor, Mukhtar Ramalan Yero, emerged as the candidate for the Kaduna North Senatorial District.
Yero secured the ticket after defeating two other aspirants in a primary election held in Zaria on Monday, in a process that party officials described as peaceful and orderly.
44 aspirants disqualified
Before the primaries, 44 aspirants were disqualified by the APC screening committee, a development that immediately triggered protests, confusion and allegations of manipulation in several states.
The list, released by APC National Publicity Secretary, Felix Morka, showed that the affected aspirants were officially marked “Not Cleared” following the screening exercise conducted by the party.
Among the high-profile aspirants denied clearance was Oyo South hopeful, Mr. Kola Daisi, alongside several political heavyweights from Rivers, Zamfara, Kwara, Nasarawa, Plateau, Bayelsa, Cross River and other states.
The affected aspirants include Hamish Idris and Abdurman Kwacham from Adamawa North; Donald Daunemigita from Bayelsa West; Senator Benson Agadaga from Bayelsa East; Daniel Asuquo from Cross River South; and Oden Ewa from Cross River Central.
Others listed as “Not Cleared” include Dr. Marian Ogoh-Ali from Delta North; Senator Usman Wowo and Abubakar Abdullahi from the FCT; Adam Mohammed from Jigawa South/West; Senator Garba Mai Doki from Kebbi South; and Kollo Jiya from Kwara North.
The Oyo State chapter also recorded a wave of disqualifications involving Ademola Alli, Ajimobi Adegboyega, Faozey Nurudeen, Hameed Repete and Akinremi Bolaji.
Rivers State witnessed one of the heaviest casualties as prominent figures such as Chief Tamunobaabo Danagogo, Tein Jack-Rich, Ipalibo Banigo and Chief Barry Mwara were all denied clearance.
In the list released earlier, Senator Ben Murray-Bruce and four others were among 47 aspirants marked ‘Not cleared.’
However, an updated list was later released which reduced the number of affected aspirants from 47 to 44, with no explanation offered for the deletions, adding to the confusion which has clouded the exercise.
Morka stated, “The All Progressives Congress hereby releases an updated list of Senatorial aspirants not cleared to participate in the Party’s Senate Primary Elections. The APC urges all stakeholders to uphold transparency, orderliness, and the integrity of the ongoing Primary Election process.”
Murray-Bruce, who had represented Bayelsa East in the Senate, was among the most prominent names on the initial list released earlier the same day. His removal from the updated list, without any statement on his clearance status, was not explained by the party.
Also dropped from the list were Chimzobam Kingsley Nnalue (Anambra North), Gyang Yaya Zi San. (Plateau North), Napoleon Binkap Bah (Plateau South), and Usman Ephraim Gar (Plateau Central).
Two new names were added, Ibrahim Bala (Nasarawa West), listed as not cleared, and Abdulkarim Abubakar Kana (Nasarawa West), who was recorded as having voluntarily withdrawn.
The updated list also revised the status of some aspirants previously marked as “not cleared.”
Benson Agadaga (Bayelsa East) and Donald Daunemigita (Bayelsa West) were reclassified as voluntary withdrawals, while Garba Musa Mai Doki (Kebbi South) was listed as having defected, and Adam Mouktar Mohammed (Jigawa South/West) was recorded as having failed to appear for screening.
In Borno State, the three incumbent APC senators, Ali Ndume, Mohammed Monguno and Kaka Shehu Lawan, all emerged unopposed after affirmation exercises conducted in Maiduguri.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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