Politics
APC moves to expel ex-Senate President Ken Nnamani for anti party
Former Senate President, Ken Nnamani and two other members of the party risk expulsion from the All Progressives Congress (APC) for anti party.
Nnamani and two other stakeholders of the party will however face a five man disciplinary Committee to look into petitions and reports of fact-finding committees that investigated allegations of anti-party activities levied against them.
The Disciplinary Committee headed by the State Assistant Legal Adviser, Barr. Vincent Chieyina and secretary, Hon Jekwu Nnaji is to invite Senator Nnamani and two others, including a former Commissioner in Enugu State, Ozor Joe Mmamel and Mr. Nelson Maduka Arum; to answer charges against them.
The party also announced the banning of Independent Presidential Campaign Council in the state, alleging that the group led by Ken Nnamani and Ben Nwoye were being used to campaign for the Peoples Democratic party (PDP) in the state.
The State Secretary of the party, Hon. Robert Ngwu, PhD, who presented the resolution of the state executive committee (SEC) after their meeting, at the party’s zonal office Enugu, said the party would not hesitate to expel or suspend Senator Nnamani, Ozor Mmamel and Arum, if found culpable and depending on the recommendations of the Disciplinary Committee.
Ngwu said, “The Party is fully aware of the nefarious activities of the previous administration of the Party in the 2015 and 2019 General Elections.
“With that in mind, the Party reviewed various petitions and reports from the Fact-Finding Committees against Sen. Ken Nnamani, Ozor Joe Mmamel, and Mr Maduka Arum, AKA Mama, from their different local government areas. The petition bothered anti-party activities and other offences against the APC Constitution and the Electoral Act of 2022.
“Sen. Ken Nnamani was accused of campaigning openly for the candidacy of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) at a rally held at the Michael Okpara Square Enugu on January 20th 2023.
“Sen. Nnamani was represented by Ben Nwoye, an expelled former Chairman of Enugu state APC who has been working against the candidate of APC (Chief Uche Nnaji), and Mr Maduka Arum, AKA Mama, an acolyte and head of Ken Nnamani Political group.
“Ken Nnamani has had a history of Anti-party activities. He joined APC from PDP some years ago and has consistently campaigned against APC candidates, including Sen. Ayogu Eze, in 2019. The Party could not bring him to order because the Party then had no moral authority under the leadership of Mr Ben Nwonye.”
The Enugu SEC alleged that on January 11th 2023, Sen Nnamani did everything to sabotage the APC massively attended presidential rally and tried to bring masquerade, which was an apparent contradiction of the Electoral Act, which he took credit for crafting.
“The Electoral Act in Section 92 (4) stipulates that no candidate or aspirant should employ masquerades for any purpose during the campaign. On record, Ken Nnamani brought masquerade to the airport and ordered them to go to the rally. Thank God for the diligence of our Youth Wing, who ensured that Ken Nnamani’s branded masquerade did not make it to the campaign event. That action would have sabotaged and put our presidential candidate in legal jeopardy,” the party noted.
The SEC stated that apart from Sen. Ken Nnamani the Party has also received petitions against Ozor Joe Mmamel and Mr. Maduka Arum AKA Mama from Ezeagu Local Government Area and Enugu South Local Government Area respectively, all bothering on anti-party.
“The State Executive Committee of the Party has therefore forwarded all the petitions, and the fact-finding reports to the State Disciplinary Committee for investigation and recommendation of appropriate sanctions.
“The Party will not hesitate to suspend or expel the accused, if found guilty by the Disciplinary Committee.”
When the State Chairman, Barr Ugochukwu Agballah put the SEC resolution to voice vote it received a resounding yes with no dissenting voice.
Agballah charged the disciplinary Committee to follow the established law of natural justice by giving the accused persons fair hearing.
The state chairman banned the group known as Independent Presidential Campaign Council in the state, noting that no group should be deceiving itself that it is campaigning for the Presidential and vice presidential candidates of the party, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Kashim Shettima, while while campaigning against other candidates of the party in the state.
The party noted that a petition was also written against Mr Ben Nwoye and Comrade AC Ude, but however, the duo were already expelled since 2022 and that since they are no longer members of the APC, the petitions against them were rendered sine die.
The resolution of the party further states, “2023 General Election is 30 days from today. Under normal circumstances, we would ignore recent activities from some of our misguided members. However, anti-party is a terminal sin against any political party, so the State Executive Committee of APC believes it is imperative to tackle this matter head-on.
“Anti-party activities refer to actions or attitudes that go against the goals and principles of a political party. These activities can harm the Party’s reputation and effectiveness and may lead to internal divisions and conflicts.
“Additionally, suppose individuals within a party engage in anti-party activities. In that case, it can erode trust and unity among party members and make it difficult for the Party to achieve its goals. In a democratic system, a political party plays a vital role in representing the voices and interests of its supporters and competing for power within the government.
“When anti-party activities occur, it can undermine the ability of the Party to fulfil that role and harm the functioning of the democratic system as a whole.
“Anti-party activities can also lead to a loss of support from voters and donors, which can harm the Party’s ability to compete in elections and implement its policies. In some cases, anti-party activities may even lead to the expulsion of party members or the formation of splinter groups, which can further weaken the Party and make it less effective.”
The party said that it was due to Sen Nnamani’s ambivalent political nature that no delegate agreed to vote for him when he contested for Deputy National Chairman, scoring only one vote.
“Likewise, when he contested for the presidency at last year’s APC convention, he scored zero votes. Even the delegates he nominated refused to vote for him, saying that voting for him was the same as voting for PDP.”
The party alleged that for the past years, Ken Nnamani had been the sole nominator of councillorship slots and Local Government Area chairmanship slots in Enugu South Local Government Area, his Local Government Area of Origin, and that he single-handedly decided who was given nomination within PDP in Enugu South LGA.
“His comprador Political activities have so compromised him that he is no longer able to campaign for Ahmed Bola Tinubu, our Presidential candidate.
“Last four years, Ken Nnamani led APC to a disastrous outing where they garnered only 2% of the total vote cast because he and his fellow conspirators pocked all the campaign funds, divided it amongst themselves, and gave no dime to the ward.
“Ken Nnamani has a history of political betrayals. In 1991 he betrayed SDP. While in SDP, he was campaigning for the NRC governorship candidate of Joe Nwodo. In 1999 he was the closest confidant of the APP governorship candidate, yet he betrayed the then APP governorship candidate for Chimaroke’s PDP, which made them give him their senatorial ticket a day after the governorship election of January 10th 1999. This was the reason why PDP members voted against him and voted for Uche Nnaji, who moved over to AD in 1999.
“If not for Obasanjo’s Maurice Iwu’s electoral heist of 2003, Ken Nnamani has never won a freely contested election apart from the 2003 Obasanjo/ Maurice Iwu massively rigged election where he was awarded victory against the rightful winner of that election.
“The 2019 general election, Ken Nnamani would only garner seven votes after pocketing the entire campaign funds,” the party alleged. Ends
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
No fewer than 10 state governors and former governors are actively working to replace incumbent senators ahead of the 2027 general elections, in what appears to be a sweeping political realignment reshaping Nigeria’s legislative landscape.
The sitting governors, whose tenure will expire by May 2027, are leveraging their control of party structures in their states to secure Senate tickets—largely through “consensus” arrangements.
At least 12 of Nigeria’s 36 incumbent governors are currently serving their second and final terms. Of that number, 10 will complete their constitutionally mandated eight years on May 29, 2027, setting the stage for a high-stakes political transition that is already unsettling party structures nationwide.
Eight of the affected governors are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Seyi Makinde of Oyo State belongs to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), while Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State is affiliated with the Peoples Democratic Party, contrary to earlier claims linking him to the Allied Peoples Movement.
Governors expected to complete their tenure in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Muhammadu Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa and Hope Uzodimma of Imo will also finish their second terms, their exit dates fall in January and February 2028, respectively, due to off-cycle elections. However, their extended timelines have not excluded them from early succession and Senate calculations.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu, during a meeting with the leadership of the National Assembly, rebuffed lobbying efforts by lawmakers seeking automatic return tickets ahead of the 2027 elections. Instead, he reaffirmed the authority of state governors over candidate selection in their respective states.
Sources familiar with the meeting revealed that senators had approached the President to seek assurances for automatic tickets.
“The meeting was to plead for automatic tickets, but the President insisted that governors, as party leaders in their states, must have a decisive say on who gets the ticket,” a source disclosed.
Less than 24 hours later, Tinubu convened another meeting with APC governors, where he reportedly gave them a free hand to conduct party primaries in accordance with the Electoral Act—either through consensus or direct primaries.
Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago confirmed this, stating that the President had effectively empowered governors to drive the primaries process.
Investigations across several states—including Yobe, Nasarawa, Adamawa, Ogun, Gombe, Bauchi, Kwara, and Imo—indicate a growing pattern in which party stakeholders endorse governors or their preferred candidates as sole contenders. In many cases, rivals are pressured to step aside, while primaries are either avoided or reduced to mere formalities.
In Yobe State, Senator Musa Mustapha (Yobe East) stepped aside to support Governor Mai Mala Buni after a stakeholders’ meeting in Damaturu. He also withdrew from the governorship race, pledging full loyalty to party leadership decisions.
Similarly, in Gombe State, former governor and Senator Danjuma Goje lost his bid for a fifth term following a zoning arrangement favouring a candidate aligned with Governor Yahaya.
In Imo State, Governor Hope Uzodimma has been endorsed as the consensus candidate for Imo West, despite the interest of incumbent Senator Osita Izunaso. The move has triggered tension, with former governor Rochas Okorocha also entering the race.
In Ogun State, the consensus model has broken down into open conflict, as Governor Dapo Abiodun’s Senate ambition has put him at odds with incumbent Senator Gbenga Daniel.
In Adamawa, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri has emerged as the consensus candidate for Adamawa North, with the incumbent senator stepping aside in his favour.
Similar developments have been recorded in Nasarawa, Kwara, Delta, and Kogi states, where governors and former governors are positioning themselves to take over Senate seats—often displacing incumbents.
Meanwhile, in Cross River State, former governor Ben Ayade revealed he had been asked to drop his Senate ambition following high-level consultations, a decision he described as painful and unjust.
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