Special Report
Wole Soyinka: Why I crossed to Biafra to meet Ojukwu
The life and times of Prof. Wole Soyinka, especially in a piece that attempts to chronicle his acts of bravery, will be incomplete without the familiar story of how he broke into the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation studio in Ibadan during the Western Region’s political crisis in 1965.
Soyinka tersely dismisses the question on that with this:
“I had matured into a period of a people on the rise, on the move – people of dignity who refused that their voices should be stolen, arrogantly and contemptuously. There have been quite a few moments of my existence among people like that… I was one of them, my voice was being stolen. I could not sit down and accept that somebody should steal my voice. I felt at one with the majority of the people.”
Wole Soyinka’s involvement in the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War for which he was sent to prison is even a bigger event in his life without which his life history will be incomplete. Hear him:
“We were more or less a family of artistes at Independence. There was a creative family and that family was being scattered. I was in Stockholm in 1967 for the Scandinavian-African Writers conference. And one of the saddest moments for me was that so many faces were missing from Nigeria – expected but not there: Christopher Okigbo, Chinua Achebe, Gabriel Okara – the Biafrans were missing even in safe Stockholm. The drums of war were no longer muted.
It was the last chance for us to meet and talk about what was now inevitable but could still, just maybe, be averted at the last moment. I returned to Nigeria very sad and I was feeling as if I lost a limb – several limbs in fact. It was like – was this going to be it? We would become enemies confronting each other across the line of fire? There were people who were ready to take up arms – like Christopher Okigbo.
At the time I had already run into Christopher Okigbo – it took place in Brussels – I even recall the name of the hotel – Hotel Koenisburg – purely by accident, and I knew he had come to purchase arms for Biafra. I challenged him and he admitted it. All these fortuitous encounters impressed on me a sense of urgency. Later I had a meeting earlier in London – I mention that in my IBADAN – where we talked about the possibility of going to Biafra on a last-minute mission of intervention. Again, as I disclosed in my memoirs, Aminu Abdullahi who is now dead, actually volunteered to go – this was at the meeting in London.
We hooked up around a place called the Transcription Centre. We didn’t even know which way some of us would go. Would JP consider himself an Easterner or westerner? It was the breakup of a robust circle of creativity. We decided that Aminu should not go because he looked so clearly a northerner. We said, “Look, you won’t even get past the first roadblock.”
Because at that time, there was such bitterness, murderous paranoia, and it was understandable… on account of the pogrom which had taken place earlier…. I went to the conference, my colleagues were not present and when I returned to Nigeria, the first skirmishes had taken place – on the northern border, and I realised that soon, it would be impossible to travel to Biafra. I was restless.
I knew I couldn’t function until I had crossed the lines in search of them. I said, ‘When I get there, I will find Christopher (Okigbo) somewhere’ and then get to Ojukwu. That was the reason why I went, a chance at that last moment that something could be done. Some people continue to narrate that I went across to persuade Ojukwu to renounce the secession. No, I didn’t go to persuade Ojukwu to renounce anything – it was far more complicated.
Some of us still felt that it was still possible to avoid an all-out shooting war. Let me state this clearly that I totally disagree with the philosophy of unity at any cost, a simplistic rendition of that pietistic mantra: United we stand, divided we fall. What infantile nonsense! It has no basis in logic or rationality whatever. Sometimes, not only is it that “small is beautiful” but also “small is perfectible”.
There is nothing – I want to stress this – absolutely nothing morally wrong or pernicious in a people saying – we want our own autonomous unit. It’s a childish notion, something which has been implanted in our brain, to chant or be conditioned by the gospel of: “What white man has put together, let no black man put asunder.”
What kind of nonsense is that? True, I do prefer that we stay together, if only because I don’t like to keep spending time obtaining visas when I want to go see a former next-door neighbour and collaborators. Also, I am partial to existence within a plurality of cultures. It offers a richness of resources, a dynamic of infinite sensibilities. But to say that you must go to war over “unity”? No! Go the civilized way – plebiscite.
Instead we wasted an estimated two million lives through bullets, sickness and starvation – to preserve a European myth? It’s a lack of maturity.
In the interview, Soyinka has a piece of advice for the Abachas. He also appealed to the then President Jonathan Goodluck to delete the name of Abacha from the list of recipients of national honours for the planned centenary celebration:
My advice to young Abacha is “Don’t take on your betters, you are a neophyte. Don’t try to intervene in what you don’t understand. Go and learn from my attitude towards your sister whom I met without any rancour and learn to deal with history in the same way. Above all, don’t promote calumny”.… We must speak candidly.
It is also a symptom of where we are, that the son of a thief, an international thief, so attested, documented, whose crimes are being unveiled every day, should feel entitled to defend the name of his father at the expense of truth. And that is where I wish to end this theme – I repeat my call on President Jonathan to have the moral courage to rescind – I know he won’t do it, but we shall keep saying it at every opportunity – he must find a way to rescind that Centenary Honours List because that it is a disgrace and a shame on this nation.
It makes me embarrassed to call myself a Nigerian; that a sitting president should compile the names of a hundred supposedly worthy people and include that of a loathsome dictator among them. It should have been sufficient, if he wanted to honour the military, he should just have picked one representative of the breed – maybe somebody like Murtala Muhammed.
So that the military don’t complain that they were passed over. But to put Sani Abacha on that list side by side with Chinua Achebe, Emeka Anyaoku, Mike Adenuga etc. etc., is an abomination. That Honours event was an abomination. Jonathan’s act was a symbolic negation, a desecration of everything a number of us have stood for in all our lives. Let that list be discarded and consigned to oblivion to make way for a truly sustainable one. And no amount of trickle-down or newly inventive calumny will stop that call, as long as I choose to carry a document of Nigerian citizenship.”
For those who criticise Soyinka’s writing as being too Eurocentric, too modernist, and of Soyinka himself suffering from Hopkins Disease, Kongi has these for them:
“I write as the Muse dictates, not the critic. I distinguish between censorship and criticism. Censorship is telling a writer you must use this sole ideological prism to view and transmit reality or your art is engaged in social treachery. For me, that is pernicious, intolerably arrogant and fascistic.”
From this interview, we learn that Wole Soyinka once enlisted in the army with the aim of going to fight for the freedom of South Africans and Nelson Mandela. However, he deserted on learning he was going to be drafted to defend the Suez Canal:
“I have been obsessed with South Africa since I was politically conscious. I told you, that was why I entered the military as a student joining the officer corps for a short while. I fled when they were going to pack me to the Suez instead of where I wanted to go – which was South Africa. I packed up my kit, saying “No, I wanted to train for South Africa, not for the Suez. You go and capture a canal on someone’s land, then declare war when he resists, and then you call me up to serve. Remember the Anglo-French invasion? I was called up and I said “No, that was not it”. That was why I left the officer corps.”
On the granting of pardon to Mohammed Abacha by Goodluck Jonathan on the N446 billion issue, Soyinka says it’s obscene:
“It is obscene. Whether we are talking about Alamieyeseigha or we are going backwards to take in Obasanjo’s pardon to Salisu Buhari when a precedent was set. And it’s sad that Jonathan has continued in that line of cavalier pardon and especially in Mohammed Abacha who has been proven to be a torturer in addition to an incontinent receiver of national loot. Please, all of you bear in mind, it’s not as if these crimes are not in the public domain.”
ENUGU – A high-profile land dispute between the former Governor of old Anambra State, Chief Jim Ifeanyichukwu Nwobodo, and the Chief Executive Officer of Energy FM, Dr. Basil Kenechukwu Ogbuanu, has escalated into a legal firestorm following the alleged demolition of property worth hundreds of millions of naira.
At the heart of the crisis is a ₦5.8 billion claim brought by Dr. Ogbuanu against the elder statesman and his wife, Dr. Patricia Nwobodo. The Lagos-based businessman alleges that his investments at Patson Estate, Independence Layout, were not only secured through a deceptive web of shell companies but were eventually reduced to rubble while he was being “persecuted” through the criminal justice system.
The Demolition and the ₦5.8bn Bill
According to court filings obtained by our correspondent, Dr. Ogbuanu is seeking ₦820 million in special damages specifically for the destruction of his buildings and the loss of construction materials.
This is bolstered by an additional ₦5 billion claim in general damages for what he describes as emotional and psychological distress.
Ogbuanu’s legal team asserts that after obtaining all necessary building permits and government approvals, his development was allegedly targeted in early 2026.
The plaintiff claims that while he was being detained, earthmoving equipment—allegedly protected by police officers—leveled his structures and carted away materials worth millions.
A Web of Companies and “Conflicting Titles”
The plaintiff’s statement of claim paints a picture of a complex transaction involving multiple entities linked to the Nwobodos. Ogbuanu alleges he paid over ₦235 million for several plots (R/18 to R/22), initially dealing with Millennium Construction & Estate Developers Ltd.
However, the plot thickened when subsequent transactions were moved to Linkana Hotels Limited. A search at the Ministry of Lands later revealed a third entity, Moss Island Limited, held the actual title as of 2022.
“All the sales done in the name of Linkana had no authority because the property belonged to another company,” a source familiar with the case alleged.
The Counter-Suit: “No Enforceable Sale”
In a swift legal counter-move (Suit No. E/244/2025), Senator Jim Nwobodo and his wife have asked the court to declare that no valid or enforceable sale ever took place.
The former Governor maintains that Ogbuanu proceeded with construction despite being notified that titles were undergoing recertification due to government land-use changes.
Nwobodo claims he offered the investor a refund, which was rejected. He further alleges that Ogbuanu’s workers assaulted a police officer and “unlawfully confined” his wife during a site visit in January 2026.
The Failed Criminal Prosecution
While the civil suits loom, the Nwobodos suffered a legal setback on April 15, 2026. A Magistrate Court struck out criminal charges of conspiracy and assault filed against Dr. Ogbuanu.
His Worship D.K. Ekoh lambasted the complainants for a “lack of diligent prosecution,” noting that Dr. Patricia Nwobodo failed to appear in court to lead evidence.
The court consequently awarded ₦1 million in costs against her, with the Magistrate remarking that complainants who stay in “luxury homes” instead of proving their case must pay for the wrongful inconvenience caused to the defendants.
The Road Ahead
As it stands, the Enugu State High Court is set to become the battlefield for two conflicting narratives: one of an investor allegedly defrauded and his property demolished, and another of a prominent family defending their estate from “unauthorized building activities.”
By Petrus Obi
My recent trip to Nsukka was a memorable one which I felt should be shared with other road users.
Having been out of Enugu for sometime I returned to a town with visible changes and turnarounds.
As we we drove round town my friend Ejike (Fellas) would quickly point out some wonderful touches that have made the overall road rehabilitations in the state capital remarkable.
The issue of roads in Enugu is a topic for another day but one must not fail to appreciate the eloquent efforts of Governor Peter Mbah.
Back to our trip to Nsukka through the Ugwogo/Opi road. My friend was driving but I was the first to spot the Armoured Personnel Carrier at a corner as we approached the Opi end of the road which had in the past witnessed some criminal activities which had put fear on road users.
Armoured Personnel Carrier parked (l) on the Opi road
As though the first Armoured Personnel Carrier wasn’t enough, I spotted yet another one just after one of the sharp bends. I had no option than to ask my friend to park.
I walked up to the policeman on the road to make some enquiries but he directed me to their commander who was dressed ‘battle ready’. I wasn’t just impressed with what I was seeing, I also felt as confident and secure as anyone will feel in a safe environment.
My enquiries revealed that the men on duty were from the Mopol 76 PMF, Enugu.
To say that the men deployed to this hitherto red spot on that road, must have been carefully selected; as my friend pointed out, was like repeating the obvious, because any road user who encountered these policemen will know that there’s a difference from other policemen one has been meeting. (Not in all situation anyway.)
These officers understood why they were posted to the area and refused to be distracted.
Apart from some officers who paraded the area with what looked like a highjack motorcycle, there were no necessary delay of vehicles on that road.
At no point on that road did we see more than one vehicle parked, for whatever reason. It was the normal police, ‘where are you coming from, why are you going, what do you have in your boot, and the traffic kept flowing.
Taking a step further in our findings we stopped at a nearby spot to enquire if the heavey security presence noticed was a one-off thing. It was reliably gathered that the security presence was a 24-hour service.
It was further revealed that the men on ground were relieved by a new team after every 48 hours.
My friend was quick to point out that the overall security network in the state has highly improved under the Governor Peter Mbah administration.
Initially we were in a hurry to return to Enugu in good time, but having seen what was on ground we couldn’t help but take out time to relax at a palm wine joint where the itching ears of this reporter eaves-dropped constantly on the beer parlour discussions that is usual in such spots.
Of importance, in the discussions was the issue of the Vice Chancellor position of the University of Nigeria, as well as the performance of the governor.
An elderly man who had already told his story of the Nigeria Civil War, the position of Nsukka people in politics, declared that the Governor is doing marvelously well. His declaration immediately earned him a free cup of palm wine from one of the guests, who later identified himself as a lecturer from Igboeze North Local Government Area.
With our full beams on, we drove back that night to Enugu with the same security team still in place, and vehicles going their different ways with every sense of confidence and security.
The ubiquitous presence of the Distress Response Service (DRS) must not be left out in this narrative.
In-fact we lost count of the number of DRS vehicles stationed on the road.
This is not just commendable but should be replicated in other states of the South East where crime like kidnapping still persists.
The police must also be commended just as the governor of Enugu State.
The deployment of two Armoured Personnel Carrier to the Opi end of that road speaks volumes towards the commitment of the governor to ensure the security of lives and property of the citizens.
By Ejeh Josh
In his classical work, “Do You Pass the Leadership Test?”, a Harvard business CEO, Bill Taylor, tersely captured the traits every successful leader must possess thus; “The true mark of a leader is the willingness to stick with a bold course of action — an unconventional business strategy, a unique product-development roadmap, a controversial marketing campaign — even as the rest of the world wonders why you’re not marching in step with the status quo. In other words, real leaders are happy to zig while others zag. They understand that in an era of hyper-competition and non-stop disruption, the only way to stand out from the crowd is to stand for something special.“
As I reflect upon this overarching quote by the renowned author, I could only draw a tiny imagery of how successful entrepreneurs disrupt and shatter the traditions, crack open the convention and take very unpopular decisions that end up in creating a new paradigm and establishing a novel trajectory in the straits of economic development. That’s a thought that struck me while I remember a brother and a leader and what he means to me and to humanity at large.
However, far from his entrepreneurial exploits and the many ceilings he had gallantly shattered to attain an enviable height in the private sector, for those who know him, either through direct connection or by extension of his goodwill, Hon Chidera Nwodo is an exemplary epitome of selflessness, self-sacrifice and compassion for humanity.
His life is a testimony of dedication to lifting others from the abyss of trial and freedom from the vacuous oppression of confusions and tyranny of the cold hand of reality. As far as people are happy, Chidera Nwodo will shift the post for them and establish a new frontier of hope for their wellbeing.
Whichever way one sees him, there is always that inner – perhaps – innate connection of a shining light that never ceases. It’s a light wrapped in a flame of grace, love, and sacrifice. That’s what many of us have seen, heard, and it’s probably going to be a testimony that will outlive the present time.
I am compelled, in good faith, to celebrate one of the leading entrepreneurs in Enugu State, with interests in real estate development and management, hospitality, entertainment, education and technology. This is the only gift I have to offer in deference to his personality as a bridge-builder; conferencing and networking across diverse cycles of investors, yet associating with men of lowly means.
He breaks the class barrier. Silent the boisterous wing of arrogance which will usually accompany success. In today’s Catholic’s first and gospel readings, from the Book of Wisdom 7:7-11 and Mark 10:17-30, we learned the significance of wisdom amidst stupendous wealth. Wisdom is even more profitable than wealth because it coheres with humility, genuine concerns for others, with detachment from the transient nature of materialism and the eternal principle of selfless sacrifice for humanity.
Hon Chidera Nwodo, popularly known as “Eze Omeogo”, a title accorded to him by the masses because of his philanthropic gesture and uncommon contribution to the development of the society, is the face of love, charity, friendship, trust and respect.
The Ubuntu philosophy of the sacrificial love of togetherness is all I have always seen in him for the past years when destiny crossed our path in a rather rude manner. That path is to later turn a path of blessing, and that relish of storytelling that can only be told with the patience that comes with a fine Ukehe palm wine and tasty nkwobi from Colliery Guest House and Garden aesthetically designed by nature where intelligent goat, native veggies, continental beaf and cow legs, vegetable chicken, assorted bush meat, and roasted fish compliment the folklore.
Happy birthday to the man of the people. Congratulations.
In a shocking turn of events, the much-anticipated airdrop from crypto-mining app, Hamster Kombat, which had been trending for months, has left thousands of Nigerians in uproar.
After five long months of continuous tapping to earn rewards, users expected substantial payouts promised by the coin’s promoters—some dreaming of becoming millionaires.
However, as the coin finally launched on Thursday, the reality hit hard: instead of the massive financial rewards users had been led to believe, payouts ranged from a mere 1 to 4 dollars.
Unconfirmed reports about the highest earner so far ranged from 7 to 17 dollars.
Social media is ablaze with frustrations, as disgruntled users lament receiving as little as ₦2.75 for their efforts.
The campaign, which had promised to turn everyday Nigerians into billionaires and CEOs, has instead sparked widespread disappointment and anger.
Nigerians have taken to various platforms to express their outrage, accusing Hamster Coin of misleading them.
The once-hopeful community of tappers is now filled with “tears and wailings,” as what was supposed to be a life-changing opportunity has turned into a bitter letdown.
Hamster Kombat came to life in March 2024.
On Thursday afternoon, the official X account, #hamster_kombat, announced the coin’s long-awaited launch.
It read, “THE MOMENT IS HERE
“$HMSTR trading has official begun! Congratulations, and to the moon, CEOs.
“On-chain is on. On-chain direct claim and balance withdrawal options are open. You can now transfer your tokens anywhere!”
A check to CoinMarketCap, reveals that the crypto asset was listed as HMSTR on number 114 at $0.008315 at at about 15.36pm on Thursday.
The market cap is valued at $535.3m and the volume since launch (in 24 hours) is $448.7m.
Nigeria, a nation once notorious for military rule, is marking 25 years of democracy, at a time when several of its West African neighbours have had coups in recent years.
The brass bands will play, the crowd will cheer and the president will make a speech – but outside of Wednesday’s official event many may be wondering what the celebration is really for.
“You cannot eat democracy” is a phrase often attributed to autocrats – but it has also been used by elected leaders as a warning about what a population might demand of them.
As many Nigerians struggle to earn enough to live on, amid an economic crisis and dramatically rising prices, some appear to be very unhappy with how they are being governed.
A survey by respected polling organisation Afrobarometer in 2022, before the current crisis, found that more than three-quarters of Nigerians surveyed were either “not very” or “not at all” satisfied with democracy.
A worrying statistic for Africa’s most populous country.
Nevertheless, the same survey found that a majority preferred democracy to any other system of governance.
Perhaps because the bitter memories of military rule still linger for many.
Since independence in 1960, the periods of civilian rule were short-lived with generals governing the country for most of the time up until 1999.
“A military coup will be almost impossible in Nigeria now,” historian Prof Kayode Soremekun said.
“The military itself has exhausted its own historic possibilities. Over time, the military has been shown to be as venal as the political class. So, the majority of Nigerians no longer see them as messiahs,” he added.
The military regimes were filled with pain and oppression, 59-year-old Adedeji Adekunle told the BBC.
Now an event planner, he recalled his experience as a student in early 1998.
“Years back, I joined a ‘military-must-go’ protest in [the main city] Lagos and soldiers attacked and arrested us. Many were tortured. It was a traumatic experience,” he said.
The period of military rule in the 1980s and 1990s was “marked by economic collapse, political repression and systematic human rights violations”, according to New York-based campaign group Human Rights Watch.
After the death of Nigeria’s head of state, Gen Sani Abacha in 1998, his successor, Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar promised elections, ushering in a new era of civilian rule a year later.
“The return of democracy to Nigeria in 1999 raised a lot of expectations, dreams, and wishes for a free, secure, united, and peaceful country,” former Senator Shehu Sani said.
Mr Adekunle breathed a sigh of relief at the time.
“Many of us initially doubted if Gen Abubakar would hand over power, but after the election was held and the winner was announced, the atmosphere changed. It was like a fresh breeze blew on the nation.”
But for today’s youth, who were not politically aware or even born at that time, the folk memory of military rule is less important.
Current President, Bola Tinubu, in power for just over a year, is facing the challenge of winning over the hearts and minds of young Nigerians amid a tough economic environment, some of which is of his own making.
His ending of the fuel subsidy and allowing the currency to devalue have sent prices shooting up.
These ambitious reforms were aimed at stabilising the economy and fostering sustainable growth in the long term, but that is no succour for those most affected.
And taking the past 25 years in Nigeria as a whole, the fact that the average income per person has seen a more than four-fold increase is unimportant for many.
It is how they perceive the current situation that counts.
As a consequence some young Nigerians, such as 33-year-old screenwriter MI Thomas, would not mind a return to military rule.
‘’I have voted since I turned 18 and all of the leaders have disappointed, every single one of them. Military regimes are decisive. They take swift action and bring effectiveness to governance,’’ he said.
A number of other young Nigerians have expressed the same desire on social media.
What may have encouraged this could be a lack of trust in the political class due to unfulfilled promises.
But it could also be a rose-tinted view of the past, with people saying that there was not as much crime and corruption during military rule.
But some may have forgotten, for example, that the late Gen Abacha looted and stashed a huge amount of public funds overseas. At least $6bn (£4.7bn) in cash and assets have been recovered so far.
It would be expected that President Tinubu was particularly sensitive to talk of military rule as he himself was once imprisoned for pro-democracy activities.
Very soon after coming to power, the president was faced with dealing with the coup in neighbouring Niger and was quick to condemn it and threatened military action – however his bold rhetoric came to nothing.
But at home, for its part, the military leadership has said that it has no interest in retaking power.
Chief of Defence Staff Gen Christopher Musa said in February that “people making such calls for a military takeover do not love Nigeria”.
“We want to make it clear that the armed forces of Nigeria are here to protect democracy. We all want democracy; we do better during democracy, and so, the armed forces will continue to support democracy.”
People have bitter memories of the time when Nigeria was ruled by Gen Sani Abacha, who died in office in 1998
There have been episodes in the past 25 years – such as when the whereabouts of late President Umar Musa Yar’Adua were unknown – that the military could have seized power, but nothing happened.
National lawmaker Senator Babangida Hussaini from Jigawa state in the north believes this is because reforms had been introduced to tame “the over-ambitious military and strengthen some institutions of governance and democracy”.
The senator admits that while “we may not have met the expectations of Nigerians… overall, we have made progress”.
There are also some, such as development studies professor Fidelis Allen, who have questioned whether the absence of military rule can be equated with true democracy.
Nigerians have voted at regular intervals since 1999 but there are still questions over whether those in office are truly accountable to the electorate in terms of how public money is spent, and if they are honest and open about their decision making.
Prof Soremekun believes that more work needs to be done to strengthen democracy.
“It is good in itself; but it must also deliver dividends to the Nigerian people,” he said.
And for those, like Mr Adekunle, who still remember military rule, there is no choice.
“Democracy is sweet, it offers people freedom. There’s nothing good with military governance.”
Source: BBC
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