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Why Kwankwaso is fighting me –Senator Gwarzo

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Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo is a leading contender for the post of the National Vice Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP). Well loved and backed by stakeholders in the zone- such as Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal and the former Governor Sule Lamido, Gwarzo was on the verge of emerging as the National Vice Chairman (North West) at the party’s congress in Kaduna, when thugs purportedly linked to the Kwankwassiyya Movement struck and disrupted the exercise.

While lamenting the disruption in this interview, Gwarzo ventured a guess as to why Kwankwaso and his movement are opposed to him.  He also spoke about the poverty and raging insecurity in the region and put the blame on the poor leadership of President Buhari’s administration. 

At what point in your career did you meet Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and what was the relationship?

When Abacha created the five political parties, I belonged to the DPN. And in the DPN, I was an aspirant for the position of the governor of Kano State. It was at that time that I met Kwankwaso. He, like me, was aspiring for the governorship of the state. So, as we were both on the track, we tried as much as possible to put our heads together, doing this in the hope to have a new approach to the system. But at this time, one day, the former Head of State, Abacha, died. When General Abdulsalam came to power and had a nine- month transition period, I joined the G34, which metamorphosed into the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Interestingly, Kwankwaso was a late comer to our party. He was a member of the Peoples Congress(PC) under Late Shinkafi. At that time, he had tried to influence me to come to Peoples Congress and I tried to influence him to come and join the G34. I remember telling him then that G34 cannot be defeated, particularly in Kano, not with the quality of politicians that were in the party- with such fine gentlemen like the Late Abubakar Rimi, Ambassador Aminu Wali, Alhaji Musa Gwadebe and Mallam Musa Dangalan, all around the same political structure. That was PRP and NPN coming together. I told him that I don’t think any other political structure can defeat this combination. It was very clear to any politician then that Kano would go the way of the new political structure. So it was on the D- day, when we were launching the party, when we were trying to set up the leadership structure of the party that Kwankwaso appeared. It was at Aminu Wali’s house. That was his first day of attending the meeting and that was how we came together again. It was apparent then that with the caliber of politicians like Rimi and Aminu Wali and the rest, he cannot scale through with his ambition. But I kept encouraging him that all things come from God and if God intends to favour you with something, nobody can stop Him. So, that was how he contested for governorship. Let me say that at some point, I was persuaded to step down for him. There was in fact a meeting where I was persuaded to step down for him. Abba Dabo is alive today and he can testify to this because he was part of that meeting. And many others like Malam Musa Gwadabe and Late Hamizu Musa. They were all at the meeting, where I was prevailed upon to step down for Kwankwaso. When I stepped down, I was now offered the post of his running mate. We went for the primary elections. I delivered my senatorial constituency: that is Kano North where Governor Ganduje comes from. We delivered it to the camp. I was Kwankwaso’s running mate, up to the time when we finished the primary elections and we were compiling the documents to go for screening.That was when Rimi’s camp within the PDP objected to the outcome of the primary elections, saying they would not support something that had nothing for them. That became a big challenge, looking at the Rimi factor in Kano politics. The Rimi’s camp had support for Ganduje and they lost out and I observed that we would certainly not go far as a party if we had proceeded to that election with a divided house. At this point, I had to make another sacrifice for the party. I stepped down as the running mate of Kwankwaso, paving way for Ganduje to move up to that position. I announced this decision before the elders committee. The late Audu Dawakin Tofa, the former governor of Kano State chaired that meeting and he faced me, looked at me intently and said Bello, you have behaved like an elderly person. I was planning to contest for the senatorial position, but if you are willing to contest the position, I will step down for you. The same thing happened with Wada Waziri. He stepped down for me too. And so many others. That was how I became a senatorial candidate. So you can see that I have been a good friend to Kwankwaso, playing key roles in his political career.

You are contesting for the National Vice Chairman of the PDP. If not for the chaotic disruption of the exercise, you probably would have emerged by now. The question many are asking is why do you want to serve your party in that capacity?

I am a founding member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and I know what PDP was in the past and what it is today. I know what PDP was when we had PDP from 1999 up to 2007. I know very much of what PDP was in the North West zone of this country. You will agree with me that the party has lost its past glory in the zone and that is very painful to me and to many true lovers of our dear party. The past leadership has failed to lift the party and the members of the party are waiting for a better leadership. So, in politics, the emphasis should not be in terms of going to office. It should also be on how to build the party. That is where the heart of the victory of the party lies. If there is no party, you cannot come to these executive positions. In the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, there is no room for an independent candidate, in which case you would say that you are going to go it alone. You have to belong to a political party. And the party, PDP, was simply the party to beat then. It was a very successful party in those days. Today, out of the seven states in the North West, we can only boast of two states in government in the zone. That is not good enough.  So we have no option but to revive our party. That is why we are stepping in. We are not looking for power or for money. I am not looking for anything. I am not looking to be rich. In whatever you think about the party, I believe I have come to that stage at some point. I have been member of the national caucus even when PDP was in power. I am a member of the Board of Trustees of the party and I am a member of the National Executive Committee. So what do I need if not that I want to serve; I want to help revive the party in the zone and ensure that it returns to victories and winning ways. Besides, in my capacity as a member of the North West caucus of the party, I know the complaints we are receiving and I have figured out the solution. It is on the basis of this that I decided that I should have a role to play if I am given the opportunity. I am coming in to salvage the situation and address the decay that is holding the party back in the zone. That is why I intend to come in- nothing more than that.

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What exactly transpired in Kaduna, at the PDP congress?  You were right there and you saw it all happen.

Honestly, I had expected something like that to happen…… I don’t know the type of politics these people want to play? Politics cannot be played with chaos and confusion. Politics cannot be played with arrogance and it cannot be played with area boys. That is what they failed to understand. Politics belongs to the people.  I said that I had sensed trouble earlier; why did I say so? The very first day when I came for my screening, I was attacked by these hoodlums. I was in the state secretariat of the PDP in Kaduna State, where the screening exercise was billed to hold. I came earlier than the members of the panel and I was sitting inside my car. So, when the panel came in, they met me. And therefore, the panel started with me. I was screened. I was giving a form to fill. But while I was doing that, they attacked me. As I was sitting, filling the form, with my credentials there, and with the photocopies of the forms that I had submitted, they attacked me. Their intention was to confiscate my form so that if I don’t have form, then I cannot contest the election. But what they failed to know was that it was a duplicate copy. And most unfortunately for them, I had already been screened and the originals of my form had been presented to the party headquarters in Abuja. If I had wanted to write a petition against Kwankwaso’s camp and candidate, I would have done that because they did not submit their forms  until the day of the screening which as you know, it is a breach of the timeline and against the guidelines of the PDP. They are supposed to submit their form at least a week before the screening, but they failed to do so.  But I allowed them. But you should ask me why I allowed them. I allowed them because I know that they are not going to win against me any day.  Honestly, I just feel that we should allow the game to be played democratically and allow the choice of the members of the party to produce the winner of the contest. So, as I was saying, his boys were thinking that I had the forms on me, that they should move in and destroy my form. Unfortunately for them, they did not know that what ever form I had in Kaduna was just a duplicate of the original form that I had submitted at the national headquarters.

Why do you think Rabiu Musa Kwakwaso is after you? Why do you think that he is against your aspiration to become the National Deputy Chairman of your party?

He said it in public. It is already in the public domain. He spoke about it on the media. It is no longer a secret subject in the state or in the region. He said that he cannot accept me as the National Vice Chairman of the PDP. But who is he? I am looking up to Allah for this position and not to any other person or any man. If Kwankwaso is thinking that he is the one to give me that position, let him know that he is a joker! Why because, if he is the one to give me the position, then I don’t want the position. Honestly, I don’t want it. I would rather have nothing than to take anything from Kwankwaso.

Out in the public domain, I have heard the argument that Kwankwaso’s loyalists are more in number than the followers of Bello Hayiatu Gwarzo and they are likely to have more people to vote for them?

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What does that mean in politics? How do you determine that they have more people than us when they are not ready for an open and transparent election. I don’t believe in that. Let them (Kwankwaso’s group) come and organize a proper congress in Kano State and let us see how it would be, how the outcome would be. Why didn’t he conduct a congress? Why did he run to his house to write names of local government executives and members of the state executive? Let him come out and play real politics and let us test who is more popular in Kano State. Like you know very well, Kwankwaso does not like elections. What he likes is just to be fixing people. He likes fixing people to positions. We suffered that in the general elections in 2019. We had 67 positions to contest and he took all and pocketed them to himself. How do you play politics like this?

But is there no way the stakeholders of the party in the Northwest region could be brought to the same table for a solution?

The provision of the PDP and that of the guideline is simple: Where there is a consensus, let us have consensus. Where there is reconciliation, the party loves reconciliation so much. But where there is no agreement, the solution is to go to polls.  So, I am ready to go to  polls. I am not stepping down. I am ready for the elections for the position of the National Vice Chairman of the party in the North West. So lets go to the polls. I wish to also say that I will accept the outcome of the elections. I will accept the decision of the party members.

You people are the one we see, but the real truth is that the characters positioning themselves for 2023 presidential elections are the ones at war in the North-West region

Again, this I cannot say. But in every system like this, there is agreement and disagreement and the solution to disagreement is voting- the peoples decision, supporters decision, delegates decision expressed in a peaceful manner through the ballot box. Because when you are talking that we are at loggerhead, maybe the truth is that one person, one troublesome person is at loggerhead with everybody in the party.

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Beyond Kwankwaso and contest for the North West National Vice Chairmanship post as a major national leader of the party, how do you see the level of insecurity and high level of poverty in  Northern Nigeria?

This is a very important question and it needs a lot of time to properly address them. You will need to touch on so many issues. But in brief, I think that all these challenges are as a result of the failure of the APC led Federal Government.  The Federal Government has been unable to address the situation. I remember that promises were made left , right and center. There were promises that when Buhari wins the election, the security situation in the country would improve and the people believed them, thinking erroneously that as a retired soldier, he had every experience and all that it takes to finish the security situation in the country and unfortunately we are in the sixth year of his administration, the situation has rather become worse. Nothing tangible has come up ever since then. We are rather going backward, every day it is this and that. You see the approach is even wrong.

Do you think PDP is the answer in 2023 ?

I have been saying this, times without number that PDP is a party to beat. And it has been a party to beat all these period up to today because if you look at the ruling APC, you would agree with me that they were in government by chance and fortunately for the PDP, they made a bad use of the chance that they got. Had it been that they made a good use of the chance they got, maybe they would have finished with the PDP. We could have been  running by now. In fact, let me tell you that many people in the APC today are nursing the ambition to come and join the PDP.

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Politics

2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

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Maduka University

A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.

Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.

He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.

Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.

“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.

“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?

“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.

Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?

According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?

Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”

He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.

“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.

“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.

“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.

According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.

“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.

Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.

He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.

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2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

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By PETRUS OBI

Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.

It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.

At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.

Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?

Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.

Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.

His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.

Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.

Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.

The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.

More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.

That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?

The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.

Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.

He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.

That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.

The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.

In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.

Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.

That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.

The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.

Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.

There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.

Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.

Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.

With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.

More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.

The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.

But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.

Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.

That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.

The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.

Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.

If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.

He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.

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2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

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The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has explained why he could not have served as Director-General of President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 Presidential Campaign Council, saying he is not a member of the All Progressives Congress and does not want to risk losing his states.

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.

Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.

According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.

“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.

“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.

“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!

“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”

Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.

“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.

“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.

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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.

“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.

“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.

“So, we had our own strategies on how the president would emerge,” he said.

Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.

“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.

Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.

“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.

“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.

The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.

Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.

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Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

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By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

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Awkunanaw Clan gives ‘Ofo’ to their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, the NDC 2027 Enugu state Guber candidate

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Maduka University

The people of Awkunanaw clan comprising 22 autonomous communities that span Enugu South and Nkanu West Local Government Areas of Enugu state declared their total support for the governorship ambition of their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, who is the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, 2027 governorship candidate for Enugu state.

The elders and thousands of the people of these 22 communities namely, Omuoha, Amechi Obuoffia, Ndi Uno Obuoffia, Amangwu, Ndi Agu Obuoffia, Amegu Akegbe, Attakwu, Obeaghu, Akegbe Ugwu(Okwuo) Umuatugbuoma, Umueze, Amechi Uwani, Amechi Uno, Amechi, Ugwuaji, Obegu Ugwuaji, Akwuke, Akwuke Uwani, Amodu Okowo, Okpebe, Obeagu, and Obeagu Uno gathered in their ancestral home, Ihuani Okunano at Ndi Uno Obuoffia where they prayed and gave the traditional ‘Ofo’ to Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, endorsing him, and expressing their total support, for his 2027 governorship ambition.

The elders led by the oldest man in the clan, the 104 years-old Chief Emmanuel Agwa Onovo from Akegbe Ugwu (Okwuo), extolled the public life and philantropy of Sir Chinyeaka, and prayed that God and the good people of Enugu State would vote for his victory in the 2027 governorship election. They recalled the hundreds of people of Awkunanaw clan and beyond who have been lifted by his philantropy, and how he single-handedly built the magnificient Akpasha town hall, the meeting venue of the Awkunanaw clan.

“The significance of the event,” according to the eldest man in the clan who presided over the ceremony, “is that the ‘Ofo’ provides a spiritual shield, acting as a direct link to the ancestors and God, serving as spiritual licence that justifies the warrior’s cause”

Chief Mark Ngene, a 98 year old former Director in Enugu state Local Government System, and a leading voice in Awkunanaw Clan, said, “Sir Chinyeaka’s public service record presents him as the people’s warrior and a trusted son of Igbo land who, as he goes to battle, is, today, the 19th day of August, 2026, presented with an ‘Ofo’ staff which serves as a sacred act of spiritual arming, devine endorsement rooted in a ]covenant of truth and an impending overwhelming victory in the 2027 governorship election”

Speaking after recieving the ‘Ofo,’ Sir Chinyeaka thanked the elders, the Awkunanaw people, NDC candidates and supporters, who graced the occassion. He said, “What you just witnessed, today, the 19th day of August 2026, marking the commencement of electioneering campaign for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections, is the gifting of the victory baton, traditionally called, ‘Ofo,’ in Igbo land, given to my humble self by the Awkunanaw clan, led by the Council of Elders, the traditional ‘Ofo’ custodians, ‘aka ji ‘Ofo,’ of the 22 autonomous communities of the clan.
‘Ofo’ is imbued with authority over adversaries and enables the holder to triumph over obstacles and or challenges. I recall that on this ground where I am standing, stood His Excellency Jim Nwobodo in 1979 during the build-up to the then Anambra State governorship election, and recieved this same sacred ‘Ofo’ from the elders of Awkunanaw clan. He, subsequently, won the governorship election. Similarly, in 2005, on this same spot, this same ‘Ofo’ was given to Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani when he contested the position of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he, too, won.”

Concluding, he said, “With this ‘Ofo,’ I am now fully prepared to go for the 2027 governorship election in Enugu state and win seamlessly to the glory of God.”

Several NDC chieftains and candidates in the 2027 election attended the ceremony. They included the deputy governorship candidate, Chief Frank Omeje, Enugu West Senatorial candidate, Chief Chinedu Ene. Others were House of Representatives candidates: Awgu/Aninri/Oji River, Dr. John Nwokeabia, Nsukka/Igboeze South, Dr. Hilary Onyishi (Ikemba), Nkanu West/Nkanu East, Hon. El shaddai Chinemerem Ike, Igbo Etiti/Uzouwani, Barr. Fide Ani. House of Assembly candidate for Enugu South Urban constituency, Mrs Ngozi Agbo, was also present.

Other NDC Chieftains present were Barr. Emeka Okeke, former Enugu State Commissioner for Chieftaincy Matters, Chief Kentus Eze, former SPA to Governor Ugwuanyi, Chief Emeka Madu, former member Enugu state House of Assembly, Chief Hycinth Ngwu, former APC Chieftain and Director, FAAN, Dr Vincent Obeta, former MD NEWMAP, Dr. Anthony Okenwa-Ani, former Chairman, Nkanu Local Government, and a host of others.

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