Politics
Why Kwankwaso is fighting me –Senator Gwarzo
Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo is a leading contender for the post of the National Vice Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP). Well loved and backed by stakeholders in the zone- such as Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal and the former Governor Sule Lamido, Gwarzo was on the verge of emerging as the National Vice Chairman (North West) at the party’s congress in Kaduna, when thugs purportedly linked to the Kwankwassiyya Movement struck and disrupted the exercise.
While lamenting the disruption in this interview, Gwarzo ventured a guess as to why Kwankwaso and his movement are opposed to him. He also spoke about the poverty and raging insecurity in the region and put the blame on the poor leadership of President Buhari’s administration.
At what point in your career did you meet Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and what was the relationship?
When Abacha created the five political parties, I belonged to the DPN. And in the DPN, I was an aspirant for the position of the governor of Kano State. It was at that time that I met Kwankwaso. He, like me, was aspiring for the governorship of the state. So, as we were both on the track, we tried as much as possible to put our heads together, doing this in the hope to have a new approach to the system. But at this time, one day, the former Head of State, Abacha, died. When General Abdulsalam came to power and had a nine- month transition period, I joined the G34, which metamorphosed into the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Interestingly, Kwankwaso was a late comer to our party. He was a member of the Peoples Congress(PC) under Late Shinkafi. At that time, he had tried to influence me to come to Peoples Congress and I tried to influence him to come and join the G34. I remember telling him then that G34 cannot be defeated, particularly in Kano, not with the quality of politicians that were in the party- with such fine gentlemen like the Late Abubakar Rimi, Ambassador Aminu Wali, Alhaji Musa Gwadebe and Mallam Musa Dangalan, all around the same political structure. That was PRP and NPN coming together. I told him that I don’t think any other political structure can defeat this combination. It was very clear to any politician then that Kano would go the way of the new political structure. So it was on the D- day, when we were launching the party, when we were trying to set up the leadership structure of the party that Kwankwaso appeared. It was at Aminu Wali’s house. That was his first day of attending the meeting and that was how we came together again. It was apparent then that with the caliber of politicians like Rimi and Aminu Wali and the rest, he cannot scale through with his ambition. But I kept encouraging him that all things come from God and if God intends to favour you with something, nobody can stop Him. So, that was how he contested for governorship. Let me say that at some point, I was persuaded to step down for him. There was in fact a meeting where I was persuaded to step down for him. Abba Dabo is alive today and he can testify to this because he was part of that meeting. And many others like Malam Musa Gwadabe and Late Hamizu Musa. They were all at the meeting, where I was prevailed upon to step down for Kwankwaso. When I stepped down, I was now offered the post of his running mate. We went for the primary elections. I delivered my senatorial constituency: that is Kano North where Governor Ganduje comes from. We delivered it to the camp. I was Kwankwaso’s running mate, up to the time when we finished the primary elections and we were compiling the documents to go for screening.That was when Rimi’s camp within the PDP objected to the outcome of the primary elections, saying they would not support something that had nothing for them. That became a big challenge, looking at the Rimi factor in Kano politics. The Rimi’s camp had support for Ganduje and they lost out and I observed that we would certainly not go far as a party if we had proceeded to that election with a divided house. At this point, I had to make another sacrifice for the party. I stepped down as the running mate of Kwankwaso, paving way for Ganduje to move up to that position. I announced this decision before the elders committee. The late Audu Dawakin Tofa, the former governor of Kano State chaired that meeting and he faced me, looked at me intently and said Bello, you have behaved like an elderly person. I was planning to contest for the senatorial position, but if you are willing to contest the position, I will step down for you. The same thing happened with Wada Waziri. He stepped down for me too. And so many others. That was how I became a senatorial candidate. So you can see that I have been a good friend to Kwankwaso, playing key roles in his political career.
You are contesting for the National Vice Chairman of the PDP. If not for the chaotic disruption of the exercise, you probably would have emerged by now. The question many are asking is why do you want to serve your party in that capacity?
I am a founding member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and I know what PDP was in the past and what it is today. I know what PDP was when we had PDP from 1999 up to 2007. I know very much of what PDP was in the North West zone of this country. You will agree with me that the party has lost its past glory in the zone and that is very painful to me and to many true lovers of our dear party. The past leadership has failed to lift the party and the members of the party are waiting for a better leadership. So, in politics, the emphasis should not be in terms of going to office. It should also be on how to build the party. That is where the heart of the victory of the party lies. If there is no party, you cannot come to these executive positions. In the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, there is no room for an independent candidate, in which case you would say that you are going to go it alone. You have to belong to a political party. And the party, PDP, was simply the party to beat then. It was a very successful party in those days. Today, out of the seven states in the North West, we can only boast of two states in government in the zone. That is not good enough. So we have no option but to revive our party. That is why we are stepping in. We are not looking for power or for money. I am not looking for anything. I am not looking to be rich. In whatever you think about the party, I believe I have come to that stage at some point. I have been member of the national caucus even when PDP was in power. I am a member of the Board of Trustees of the party and I am a member of the National Executive Committee. So what do I need if not that I want to serve; I want to help revive the party in the zone and ensure that it returns to victories and winning ways. Besides, in my capacity as a member of the North West caucus of the party, I know the complaints we are receiving and I have figured out the solution. It is on the basis of this that I decided that I should have a role to play if I am given the opportunity. I am coming in to salvage the situation and address the decay that is holding the party back in the zone. That is why I intend to come in- nothing more than that.
What exactly transpired in Kaduna, at the PDP congress? You were right there and you saw it all happen.
Honestly, I had expected something like that to happen…… I don’t know the type of politics these people want to play? Politics cannot be played with chaos and confusion. Politics cannot be played with arrogance and it cannot be played with area boys. That is what they failed to understand. Politics belongs to the people. I said that I had sensed trouble earlier; why did I say so? The very first day when I came for my screening, I was attacked by these hoodlums. I was in the state secretariat of the PDP in Kaduna State, where the screening exercise was billed to hold. I came earlier than the members of the panel and I was sitting inside my car. So, when the panel came in, they met me. And therefore, the panel started with me. I was screened. I was giving a form to fill. But while I was doing that, they attacked me. As I was sitting, filling the form, with my credentials there, and with the photocopies of the forms that I had submitted, they attacked me. Their intention was to confiscate my form so that if I don’t have form, then I cannot contest the election. But what they failed to know was that it was a duplicate copy. And most unfortunately for them, I had already been screened and the originals of my form had been presented to the party headquarters in Abuja. If I had wanted to write a petition against Kwankwaso’s camp and candidate, I would have done that because they did not submit their forms until the day of the screening which as you know, it is a breach of the timeline and against the guidelines of the PDP. They are supposed to submit their form at least a week before the screening, but they failed to do so. But I allowed them. But you should ask me why I allowed them. I allowed them because I know that they are not going to win against me any day. Honestly, I just feel that we should allow the game to be played democratically and allow the choice of the members of the party to produce the winner of the contest. So, as I was saying, his boys were thinking that I had the forms on me, that they should move in and destroy my form. Unfortunately for them, they did not know that what ever form I had in Kaduna was just a duplicate of the original form that I had submitted at the national headquarters.
Why do you think Rabiu Musa Kwakwaso is after you? Why do you think that he is against your aspiration to become the National Deputy Chairman of your party?
He said it in public. It is already in the public domain. He spoke about it on the media. It is no longer a secret subject in the state or in the region. He said that he cannot accept me as the National Vice Chairman of the PDP. But who is he? I am looking up to Allah for this position and not to any other person or any man. If Kwankwaso is thinking that he is the one to give me that position, let him know that he is a joker! Why because, if he is the one to give me the position, then I don’t want the position. Honestly, I don’t want it. I would rather have nothing than to take anything from Kwankwaso.
Out in the public domain, I have heard the argument that Kwankwaso’s loyalists are more in number than the followers of Bello Hayiatu Gwarzo and they are likely to have more people to vote for them?
What does that mean in politics? How do you determine that they have more people than us when they are not ready for an open and transparent election. I don’t believe in that. Let them (Kwankwaso’s group) come and organize a proper congress in Kano State and let us see how it would be, how the outcome would be. Why didn’t he conduct a congress? Why did he run to his house to write names of local government executives and members of the state executive? Let him come out and play real politics and let us test who is more popular in Kano State. Like you know very well, Kwankwaso does not like elections. What he likes is just to be fixing people. He likes fixing people to positions. We suffered that in the general elections in 2019. We had 67 positions to contest and he took all and pocketed them to himself. How do you play politics like this?
But is there no way the stakeholders of the party in the Northwest region could be brought to the same table for a solution?
The provision of the PDP and that of the guideline is simple: Where there is a consensus, let us have consensus. Where there is reconciliation, the party loves reconciliation so much. But where there is no agreement, the solution is to go to polls. So, I am ready to go to polls. I am not stepping down. I am ready for the elections for the position of the National Vice Chairman of the party in the North West. So lets go to the polls. I wish to also say that I will accept the outcome of the elections. I will accept the decision of the party members.
You people are the one we see, but the real truth is that the characters positioning themselves for 2023 presidential elections are the ones at war in the North-West region
Again, this I cannot say. But in every system like this, there is agreement and disagreement and the solution to disagreement is voting- the peoples decision, supporters decision, delegates decision expressed in a peaceful manner through the ballot box. Because when you are talking that we are at loggerhead, maybe the truth is that one person, one troublesome person is at loggerhead with everybody in the party.
Beyond Kwankwaso and contest for the North West National Vice Chairmanship post as a major national leader of the party, how do you see the level of insecurity and high level of poverty in Northern Nigeria?
This is a very important question and it needs a lot of time to properly address them. You will need to touch on so many issues. But in brief, I think that all these challenges are as a result of the failure of the APC led Federal Government. The Federal Government has been unable to address the situation. I remember that promises were made left , right and center. There were promises that when Buhari wins the election, the security situation in the country would improve and the people believed them, thinking erroneously that as a retired soldier, he had every experience and all that it takes to finish the security situation in the country and unfortunately we are in the sixth year of his administration, the situation has rather become worse. Nothing tangible has come up ever since then. We are rather going backward, every day it is this and that. You see the approach is even wrong.
Do you think PDP is the answer in 2023 ?
I have been saying this, times without number that PDP is a party to beat. And it has been a party to beat all these period up to today because if you look at the ruling APC, you would agree with me that they were in government by chance and fortunately for the PDP, they made a bad use of the chance that they got. Had it been that they made a good use of the chance they got, maybe they would have finished with the PDP. We could have been running by now. In fact, let me tell you that many people in the APC today are nursing the ambition to come and join the PDP.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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