Opinion
What Good Can Akpabio’s 10th Senate Offer Nigeria?
By Mon-Charles Egbo
Before the inauguration of the 10th national assembly and the subsequent emergence of Godswill Akpabio as the president of the senate, a cross-section of the political class was fiercely opposed to his aspiration. Their grouse was how his party, the All Progressives Congress, APC, endorsed him.
Some welcomed the zoning of the position to the South-South region but faulted the extra step of micro-zoning it to an individual.
Another set was solely upset that the then president-elect, Bola Tinubu, influenced the choice of Akpabio. To them, that would amount to an outright hijack of the legislature by the presidency which is antithetical to the principle of separation of powers. Then while others canvassed that the contest should be thrown open for everyone interested, the rest specifically clamoured for their various zones as against Akpabio’s South-South. But common to all those categories was the claim of insufficient consultation before settling on Akpabio.
And quite indeed, the agitations caught fire across the country, especially through some sorts of elitist orchestrations. The heat did not only threaten the unity and stability of the party, but it also posed an early distraction for Tinubu’s presidency, as he variously intervened.
But objectively speaking, all those shades of opinion were not misplaced. They were all valid arguments for whatever democracy entails. Even Senator Akpabio who was in the eye of the storm recognized the rights of those aggrieved compatriots. He empathized with them. Openly, he acknowledged the grave implications of the “angst that this zoning arrangement may have caused some aspirants”. Thus he stressed that “for this reason, we are embarking on an extensive reconciliatory move, as well as an enlightenment campaign to brief relevant stakeholders on details of our prospective legislative agenda. We are confident that in the end, we will reconcile all in the overriding interests of our dear nation. We will ensure that the members of the 10th Assembly put aside their differences and focus on activities that are for the common good of the Nigerian people”.
And so vigorously, he reached out to those dissenting voices reminding them that a divided house is a defeated house.
It was this display of political sagacity and a good understanding of the place of reconciliation in democratic governance that set the tone for the eventual outcome and has now offered the prism through which the contest is holistically reviewed, for the records. In other words, Akpabio’s emergence was not just about the party’s endorsement. Certainly, it was not!
To begin with, and ironically, all those diverse agitations were largely not about the public interest, otherwise, why were there no questions, not even one, raised about Akpabio’s eligibility and competence? Nobody countered his agenda with superior ones. None faulted his conduct during the contest. The obsessions merely were with the party’s mode of choosing him and not with national developmental issues.
So, to the discerning mind, what does this startling paradox signify?
It represents an affirmation that Godswill Akpabio is eminently qualified to hold the office of the president of the senate or that as a mortal he may have his shortcomings as no one is perfect, but his pedigree is not in doubt. Among others, Akpabio is a lawyer of repute and a ranking senator. He parades robust political leadership credentials and has no record whatsoever of having been declared unfit to hold public office. Also, he has paid his dues both in the private and public sectors, he is a good party man and comes from a geo-political zone that was yet to produce a president of the senate since 1979.
Then again, Senator Akpabio is a man of exceptional eloquence and charisma who is always ready to tell his own stories with confidence. As such and in his words, modestly: “….I possess the required ranking status and deep legislative experience. These qualities are of competence, vision, patriotism, a deep love for our country, and a thorough understanding of the relationship between the executive and legislature. I believe that my uncommon public sector experience and track records spanning over 24 years where I served at the State Executive Council as Hon. Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy affairs, Governor of a State, Senate Minority Leader, and in the Federal Executive Council as a Hon. Minister, provides me with the unique experience required to drive the legislative agenda of the 10th National Assembly”.
Deliberately, he down-played a part. He was certified worthy and fit to fly the presidential flag of his party before he patriotically withdrew from the race at the venue of the primaries.
Empirically, therefore, it was not an error for anyone to have embraced and supported Akpabio in the first place. His amiable and dynamic personality, democratic leadership attributes, evidence-based performance records and proven political astuteness were highly irresistible. Put together, they signposted his suitability for the office. And expectedly, no one expressed contrary views to this abridged citation, amidst the criticisms, thus alluding that indeed, Akpabio’s emergence was not all about his party’s endorsement.
Interestingly again, Akpabio’s concise blueprint was quite strategic. It attested to his overall sense of preparedness for the tasks ahead, a profound grasp of the demands of the office as well as a clear understanding that legislature is about good governance and good governance alone.
He had envisioned a 10th senate that would “provide quality, stable and inclusive leadership at the National Assembly with a view to providing robust legislative intervention and making relevant laws for good governance” and also “galvanise a united and virile support base that will provide credible government policies for the advancement of good governance”.
And in response to the dire socio-economic situation in the country, Akpabio’s legislative agenda focussed majorly on revamping the domestic economy. According to him, “we shall ensure that pro-business legislations to create a more conducive environment for businesses to thrive must be designed and implemented; and we must provide legislation that enables support for small and medium-sized enterprises, and helps to reduce the barriers to entry for small businesses. These categories of legislation as well as others that promote the growth of the economy, and help create a more prosperous and vibrant nation must be our priority”.
Similarly, his 10th Senate would seek to “develop and promote innovative bills that will enhance revenue generation while exercising effective oversight function on government expenditure”.
Evidently, please, has Senator Akpabio not subtly warned that anything that is not good governance-oriented would have no place in the business of this senate?
Furthermore, Akpabio’s vast experience in public leadership substantially shaped his agenda. His commitment to upholding some legislative gains and progressive features of the preceding assemblies underscores his conviction that governance is about the people and that government is a continuum. For instance, he resolved to “sustain the January to December budget circle” which he noted that “the ninth Assembly had worked so hard to achieve”. Also, while the 9th Senate was christened the “senate that works for Nigerians”, Akpabio is ambitious to lead a 10th senate that “serves as a true voice of the people”. Again, while the 8th and 9th senates made efforts at entrenching transparency in the affairs of the institution, resulting in the eventual disclosure of the national assembly budget details, Akpabio hinted that his leadership would be “also deeply committed to promoting transparency and accountability: values that we believe must be at the heart of everything that is done in the Senate”. Then to advance the bipartisan feature of the 9th Senate, he would “establish Bipartisan Parliamentary Network on issues of national interest supported by our party’s/members’ vision”.
Now again, are these not pointers that it takes a transformational leader to celebrate and propagate the transformational deeds of another leader? This is yet another area that Godswill Akpabio distinguished himself.
Notably also, Akpabio’s passion for a peaceful and stable polity coupled with knowledge of the governance deficits created by the 1999 constitution, perhaps explains his determination to also consolidate the collaboration between the legislature and the other arms of government, for national development. For emphasis, the Nigerian president is the most powerful in the world by the 1999 constitution. You can only challenge his powers and influence in principle but not in practice!
Nevertheless, Akpabio was overtly precise in purposing a national assembly that would work harmoniously with Bola Tinubu’s presidency, without compromising the relative independence of the parliament. Hear him: “We want him (Tinubu) to replicate what has happened in Lagos in the last 24 years of democracy to cover the rest of the country. Particularly, we are challenged by the economy. We want to see serious improvement in the IGR of the nation to enable us to repay our loan facilities. We want to see more foreign direct investment in the country. We will support him through favourable legislations to ensure Nigeria remains investment-friendly and a business destination in Africa”.
Akpabio campaigned with this mindset. He was explicit and did not pretend about it. Please, how else does one describe courage? Meanwhile, his agenda equally emphasized, “innovative bills that will enhance revenue generation while exercising effective oversight function on government expenditure”. And again, asserting the relative authorities of the legislature, he declared that “regular and extensive oversight of government spending to ensure that public funds are being used effectively and efficiently must be conducted”.
Then quite instructively, Akpabio worked his way to victory. As highlighted earlier, he did not go to sleep having secured the corporate endorsement of his party and other stakeholders across party lines. He did not allow the ‘anointing’ to get into his head. He took no one for granted and left nothing to chance. He relentlessly went about the contest as though all those mounted oppositions to his preference by the party would eventually play out. He ran a robust campaign built on a broad-based support network. He aggressively marketed himself and his agenda. Resiliently and consistently, he demonstrated that every single senator-elect was as important as the other, irrespective of the political party. He variously visited the leaderships of other parties for support. And once again, his shrewdness in reaching out to the aggrieved colleagues was a masterstroke.
Equally pivotal was Akpabio’s pragmatism in seeking to foster a sense of camaraderie among his colleagues which would create a consciousness for national unity and inclusiveness in governance and also opportunities for peer review towards integrated national development. This found expression in his other action plans, some of which are to: “support members in bill and motion drafting, presentation of legislative arguments, legislative briefs and a general understanding of parliamentary practices and procedures; support our members to develop legislative agenda, constituency work-plan and integrated representation model; institute Annual Parliamentary Stability Group Summit (APSGS) to strategize, review and develop action guidelines for greater virile and stable national assembly; and pursue and lobby (where necessary) for the rights and privileges of our members.”
Again, a question: who would not garner massive votes with these appealing propositions?
So by inference, the fore-going factors cumulatively translated to the ballots whose figures indicated that partisan, religious and regional barriers were demolished. Remarkably also, nobody was prevented from contesting. Yes, the senators-elect conventionally, freely and popularly conferred legitimacy on Akpabio, thus confirming that their choice was predicated on his nationalistic disposition, wide acceptability and compelling agenda. It was not necessarily about the party’s endorsement. Put differently, the process was unquestionably transparent.
Therefore given Akpabio’s outstanding personality and his inspiring blueprint, this senate nay the 10th national assembly, will impact meaningfully the lives of the people, and then of course, Nigeria is the ultimate beneficiary. But this happens only when everyone through their elected representatives gets involved by offering timely and useful information in addition to asking relevant questions. For it is only by trust and cooperation that we can take full ownership of this senate and uncommonly transform it as our “true voice”.
Egbo is a reputation management expert
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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