Special Report
We fought for Nigeria’s democracy — Men who hijacked aircraft in 1993
Men who hijacked aircraft on June 12, 1993 have spoken up about the struggles and how they were abandoned by the government.
Speaking in Yoruba, one of the men, Adebayo Ekunsumi, in an interview said he and his colleague collaborated because they needed M.K.O Abiola to be installed as president, which led to hijacking a plane.
Benneth Daisi said that before the hijacking of the plane, the election was already held and was judged credible by Nigerians before it was annulled. He added that because of the annulment of the election, the entire nation was thrown into chaos which led them to fight for the stability of democracy in Nigeria.
The men said they spent 10 years of their lives in prison in Niger, yet the government abandoned them and they are struggling without any provisions made for them.
Hear the hijack story:
On Monday, October 25, 1993, in the heat of June 12 annulment agitations, four Nigerian youngsters, Richard Ajibola Ogunderu, Kabir Adenuga, Benneth Oluwadaisi and Kenny Razak-Lawal, did the unthinkable! They hijacked an Abuja-bound aircraft, the Nigerian Airways airbus A310, and diverted it to Niger Republic.
How did you conceive the idea, considering the fact that the four of you that carried out the operations were very young then?
The conception was not really by me. It was by Jerry Yusuf, now late. He was a business man, known internationally. I just finished my secondary school then, and was about 19 years old. We met in a hotel in Surulere. He called me and we had a meeting with some other guys. He said he read a report where somebody used a toygun to hijack an aircraft, and that we could do same here. But what actually touched me was the objective: that we wanted to reclaim the stolen mandate, freely given to Chief M.K.O Abiola, by the Nigerian people. I didn’t join for any pecuniary gain. I just felt since the people had, through the polls, given this man the mandate to govern, there was the need to put on such pressure on the military junta at that time, bent on truncating the process, to respect the people’s wishes. But it was Jerry Yusuf who conceived the idea of the hijack.
Tell us more about the meeting
Like I said we met in a hotel. He met me in a hotel I was living then. I had just finished my secondary school and my daddy was the manager of the hotel, so he just gave me a room in the hotel. My plan was to go to Jos where my mummy was, and my interest was to study Aeronautical Engineering. I had the plan to move out of the country, through my mum, to Canada, to study that course. So one night, around 11.30 pm, Jerry Yusuf was coming into the hotel, and he was hitting the gate and I was the only one available to open the gate for him. So when I opened the gate for him, he was now going in, and I called him back and said, ‘my man, come here, men’. He looked at me very strangely, and I said ‘give me money’. He said he wouldn’t give me. I now asked him why he was coming to knock the hotel gate at the dead of the night. I told him he actually woke me up from sleep. He now laughed and promised to see me later. I suspect that must have made an impression on him. So he called me later, because one of his boys had earlier spoken with me. He had about three of them, from Mushin and Iju Ishaga, then. He now asked me whether I had interest in carrying out an hijack. He said a lady recommended me to him, because we also had some ladies living in that hotel, then. I now asked him what he wanted to use that to achieve. He said the June election results had been cancelled, and his organization, the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy (MAD), needed to do something to get democracy back. I looked at the objective and concluded that I just had to take that step of supporting the cause. I said to myself that if I declined this, and move on to Canada, as planned, Nigeria might be at war before I would be back. I just believed somebody just had to go and demand that the democratic rights of the people be respected.
But within a short space of time, you had earned Yusuf’s confidence. How did you do that?
You know I told you he called me and said he knew his people had revealed their secret to me, that they were planning to hijack a plane. He now said since I had known, I should join them. I now laughed. He smiled back and told me that he had been told I was a very strong poison. He now told me he wanted me to be involved and that he loved my composure and the way I talked, and my action. He said he believed my involvement would give teeth to the plan, and I agreed.
Who now did the recruitment of others?
It was Yusuf. I was the last to join. You know it was from my hotel that we planned all this. And let me shock you, even after we had planned all this, I noticed we were even experiencing some paucity of funds. And it was a prominent pro-democracy doctor that gave us N10,000. So money wasn’t the motivation for us, but the need to reclaim the stolen mandate.
Was it you guys or the organization he gave the money to?
The organization.
But was he aware of what he was funding then?
I can’t say he didn’t know. He knew the objective, but he never wanted to get involved directly. He knew the objective. The only thing was that he believed that if Abacha took over power from Ernest Shonekan, he would hand over to Abiola. But MAD did not share such belief with him. I also didn’t believe in that. You know the thirst of the average military man for power.
So it took you how many days, weeks, months or even years to map out your strategies?
It was actually impromptu. What Jerry told me was that he wanted the operation to take place before Abiola arrived from his overseas trip. Then Abiola was in America, that was why Yusuf had to ask the doctor for money. The hijack actually was to raise an alarm on why Nigeria needed democracy, and why the mandate given to Abiola must be respected.
Can you give us graphic details of how the operation was carried out? For instance, where did you board the plane?
We boarded the plane in Lagos, enroute Abuja, October 25, 1993. It was a domestic flight. The mission was to hijack and take it to another country. And the desire was to get to Frankfurt, Germany, and if we could not get there, we could go to Kotoko Ghana, to declare the message of the organization to the world.
When exactly did you announce your mission, while in the air?
It was 16 minutes to land in Abuja that we struck. According to the plan, I was supposed to take the pamphlet which contained our mission statement to the pilot. It was in a brown envelope. And while doing this, the second guy was supposed to come in with a pistol.
So he was actually holding a pistol?
No, it’s a toy pistol, but there was no way you could know. So the plan was to put the pilot at gun point, to force him to listen to my command.
At what point did the pilot know that this was a hijack?
He knew immediately, when he was held at gun point. I had to come in from my own corridor, the economy class into the cockpit and tear-gassed him. And immediately I did that, he knew this was an attack, so he had to obey us.
What did you tell the pilot, when you first got there?
I first gave him a paper containing our mission statement, why we were doing the hijack. And I even told him to give it to the air hostesses to read to the passengers. The main discussion between me and the pilot was where do we land the plane? He told me there was fuel scarcity and he would like to refuel.
And what now happened?
We told him what we wanted was where we could give publicity to our action. We told him we were going to Germany, where we could have a good press coverage that would support our democratic cause for Nigeria. But that couldn’t be because of the fuel scarcity then. So I just had to use my own initiative that whatever it was, we had places in Africa. So we looked for an African nation that could accept our idea, fortunately the pilot was in agreement with me. So he now moved towards the Sahara, towards the desert..
So you told him all these before he agreed to land in Niger Republic?
Yes, because you have to let him know so that he wouldn’t been thinking that you were hijacking to kill. For instance, when the BBC journalist asked me in the aircraft, ‘what is your cause, tell the world?’ And I told the world we were fighting for democracy. And we told them no going back, that we were going for democracy, and that anybody that would not align with that position would die.
After knowing your plans, what was the mood like in the aircraft? Did the pilot now communicate this to the passengers?
Yes, he did, through the air hostesses.
Was he the only one in the cockpit? What about the co-pilot?
He wasn’t the only one. The co-pilot was there too. We had already held the two to ransom. They were already under our control. What remained at that point was the mind of the passengers, and we gave the parcel to the pilot and asked him to give to the air hostesses, so that they could communicate what was happening to the passengers, and they did that.
And what was the atmosphere like, immediately that was communicated?
Immediately the passengers heard that, they were afraid, because it was strange. Leaving Lagos for Abuja, and suddenly finding yourself a victim of hijack. It was at this point in time that I came out to threaten them more with petrol, because we actually went with petrol.
But how were you able to bring in all those items on board, without them being detected?
They were in a bag. We were able to beat the checkers.
So when you now threatened, what happened?
We brought out the petrol, we wet everywhere, they were scared. We brought out a lighter, and threatened them that we were going to set the aircraft ablaze. We also decided to search the passengers as a way of securing the operations, and we found some pistols. We now seized them.
So what eventually happened?
We landed in Niger Republic, after our discussions with the Gabonese authorities had failed. You know we contacted some African countries before arriving at the choice of Niger Republic, when it was obvious that the fuel that we had could not take us to Germany. We even tried Ghana, but they refused, saying the Nigerian Airways was owing them some landing fees, otherwise they would have allowed us. Luckily for us we did it in a Francophone country, because the pilot communicated with Niger Republic and they promised they were going to give us fuel.
But did they know that they were about harbouring an hijacked plane?
Yes they knew. It was already in the news. The news was everywhere. The international community was already in the know. A flight expected to be conducted in 50 minutes suddenly taking four hours would definitely arouse suspicion.
So the whole thing lasted for how many hours?
Three days.
What was the mood like during that period in the aircraft?
There were negotiations. It was during that period that the Aviation Minister of Niger Republic spoke to us through the aircraft intercom.
And what was he saying?
He said he was ready to give us what we wanted, that is fuel to go to Germany, and all that, and we told him our interest was to talk to the press.
But how were you communicating, since he must be speaking in French?
He was speaking in English. None of us understood French. There were already press men at the airport, but they didn’t allow them to get to where the plane was. The BBC correspondent now called me and asked me what we were fighting for, and the main reason for the hijack. I told him that we wanted to actualize the mandate given by the Nigerian people to M.K.O Abiola. That it was just a political adventure of some curious youths, that needed to protect their political interest.
Were you ever contacted by the Nigerian government?
Nigeria sent 24 delegates to come and talk to us, but none of them entered the aircraft to talk to us. They were in the hotel, asking us to come. Why we held it for that long was to get the attention of the international community.
What now went wrong?
At the dying minute, Abacha threatened. You know the mission was supposed to go for 78 hours, after which we threatened that we would set the aircraft ablaze.
Were you actually serious about burning down the plane?
Yes, we were serious about it, but not the passengers. That was why I first released some, and used the remaining to negotiate.
You were talking about Abacha’s threat?
Yes he threatened that he was coming to storm us with truckloads of soldiers from Nigeria. But the French government warned that it’s not British territory. Fortunately for us, the French government did not agree with Abacha, but they felt they had to do something. So they decided to capture us, by storming. You know the passengers must have told them that we had just a toy gun.
How were they able to achieve that ?
I learnt somebody among us demanded for water, since that was the third day. Everybody had been taking coffee and snacks, in the past three days. So they brought their best strikers (soldiers), and pretended they were bringing food. Somebody came to tell me that they brought food for us, and my instinct told me that must be a trap. And, I was quite right. When I got down there, I saw an ambulance, and was wondering why they brought food in an ambulance. I called the steward of the plane to come and carry the food from these stewards. I was about going back when I heard gun shots behind me. I ran back into the aircraft, but they followed me inside. We were arrested from there. They took me to the hospital because I had some gunshot wound, and others were taken to the police station. And when my leg was okay, and the day Abacha took over from Shonekan (November 17, 1993), they brought Jerry Yusuf to Niger Republic. We were remanded, and were later released around 2001.
So what have you been doing?
I’ve been trying to engage with the youths through an organization I run, African Youth Organisation. I use it to educate the youths about democracy and the need to be politically active.
Any regrets?
(..laughs) I don’t have any regrets taking that action. The only regrets I would have had would have been if I had died, without seeing this democracy that we clamoured for.
ENUGU – A high-profile land dispute between the former Governor of old Anambra State, Chief Jim Ifeanyichukwu Nwobodo, and the Chief Executive Officer of Energy FM, Dr. Basil Kenechukwu Ogbuanu, has escalated into a legal firestorm following the alleged demolition of property worth hundreds of millions of naira.
At the heart of the crisis is a ₦5.8 billion claim brought by Dr. Ogbuanu against the elder statesman and his wife, Dr. Patricia Nwobodo. The Lagos-based businessman alleges that his investments at Patson Estate, Independence Layout, were not only secured through a deceptive web of shell companies but were eventually reduced to rubble while he was being “persecuted” through the criminal justice system.
The Demolition and the ₦5.8bn Bill
According to court filings obtained by our correspondent, Dr. Ogbuanu is seeking ₦820 million in special damages specifically for the destruction of his buildings and the loss of construction materials.
This is bolstered by an additional ₦5 billion claim in general damages for what he describes as emotional and psychological distress.
Ogbuanu’s legal team asserts that after obtaining all necessary building permits and government approvals, his development was allegedly targeted in early 2026.
The plaintiff claims that while he was being detained, earthmoving equipment—allegedly protected by police officers—leveled his structures and carted away materials worth millions.
A Web of Companies and “Conflicting Titles”
The plaintiff’s statement of claim paints a picture of a complex transaction involving multiple entities linked to the Nwobodos. Ogbuanu alleges he paid over ₦235 million for several plots (R/18 to R/22), initially dealing with Millennium Construction & Estate Developers Ltd.
However, the plot thickened when subsequent transactions were moved to Linkana Hotels Limited. A search at the Ministry of Lands later revealed a third entity, Moss Island Limited, held the actual title as of 2022.
“All the sales done in the name of Linkana had no authority because the property belonged to another company,” a source familiar with the case alleged.
The Counter-Suit: “No Enforceable Sale”
In a swift legal counter-move (Suit No. E/244/2025), Senator Jim Nwobodo and his wife have asked the court to declare that no valid or enforceable sale ever took place.
The former Governor maintains that Ogbuanu proceeded with construction despite being notified that titles were undergoing recertification due to government land-use changes.
Nwobodo claims he offered the investor a refund, which was rejected. He further alleges that Ogbuanu’s workers assaulted a police officer and “unlawfully confined” his wife during a site visit in January 2026.
The Failed Criminal Prosecution
While the civil suits loom, the Nwobodos suffered a legal setback on April 15, 2026. A Magistrate Court struck out criminal charges of conspiracy and assault filed against Dr. Ogbuanu.
His Worship D.K. Ekoh lambasted the complainants for a “lack of diligent prosecution,” noting that Dr. Patricia Nwobodo failed to appear in court to lead evidence.
The court consequently awarded ₦1 million in costs against her, with the Magistrate remarking that complainants who stay in “luxury homes” instead of proving their case must pay for the wrongful inconvenience caused to the defendants.
The Road Ahead
As it stands, the Enugu State High Court is set to become the battlefield for two conflicting narratives: one of an investor allegedly defrauded and his property demolished, and another of a prominent family defending their estate from “unauthorized building activities.”
By Petrus Obi
My recent trip to Nsukka was a memorable one which I felt should be shared with other road users.
Having been out of Enugu for sometime I returned to a town with visible changes and turnarounds.
As we we drove round town my friend Ejike (Fellas) would quickly point out some wonderful touches that have made the overall road rehabilitations in the state capital remarkable.
The issue of roads in Enugu is a topic for another day but one must not fail to appreciate the eloquent efforts of Governor Peter Mbah.
Back to our trip to Nsukka through the Ugwogo/Opi road. My friend was driving but I was the first to spot the Armoured Personnel Carrier at a corner as we approached the Opi end of the road which had in the past witnessed some criminal activities which had put fear on road users.
Armoured Personnel Carrier parked (l) on the Opi road
As though the first Armoured Personnel Carrier wasn’t enough, I spotted yet another one just after one of the sharp bends. I had no option than to ask my friend to park.
I walked up to the policeman on the road to make some enquiries but he directed me to their commander who was dressed ‘battle ready’. I wasn’t just impressed with what I was seeing, I also felt as confident and secure as anyone will feel in a safe environment.
My enquiries revealed that the men on duty were from the Mopol 76 PMF, Enugu.
To say that the men deployed to this hitherto red spot on that road, must have been carefully selected; as my friend pointed out, was like repeating the obvious, because any road user who encountered these policemen will know that there’s a difference from other policemen one has been meeting. (Not in all situation anyway.)
These officers understood why they were posted to the area and refused to be distracted.
Apart from some officers who paraded the area with what looked like a highjack motorcycle, there were no necessary delay of vehicles on that road.
At no point on that road did we see more than one vehicle parked, for whatever reason. It was the normal police, ‘where are you coming from, why are you going, what do you have in your boot, and the traffic kept flowing.
Taking a step further in our findings we stopped at a nearby spot to enquire if the heavey security presence noticed was a one-off thing. It was reliably gathered that the security presence was a 24-hour service.
It was further revealed that the men on ground were relieved by a new team after every 48 hours.
My friend was quick to point out that the overall security network in the state has highly improved under the Governor Peter Mbah administration.
Initially we were in a hurry to return to Enugu in good time, but having seen what was on ground we couldn’t help but take out time to relax at a palm wine joint where the itching ears of this reporter eaves-dropped constantly on the beer parlour discussions that is usual in such spots.
Of importance, in the discussions was the issue of the Vice Chancellor position of the University of Nigeria, as well as the performance of the governor.
An elderly man who had already told his story of the Nigeria Civil War, the position of Nsukka people in politics, declared that the Governor is doing marvelously well. His declaration immediately earned him a free cup of palm wine from one of the guests, who later identified himself as a lecturer from Igboeze North Local Government Area.
With our full beams on, we drove back that night to Enugu with the same security team still in place, and vehicles going their different ways with every sense of confidence and security.
The ubiquitous presence of the Distress Response Service (DRS) must not be left out in this narrative.
In-fact we lost count of the number of DRS vehicles stationed on the road.
This is not just commendable but should be replicated in other states of the South East where crime like kidnapping still persists.
The police must also be commended just as the governor of Enugu State.
The deployment of two Armoured Personnel Carrier to the Opi end of that road speaks volumes towards the commitment of the governor to ensure the security of lives and property of the citizens.
By Ejeh Josh
In his classical work, “Do You Pass the Leadership Test?”, a Harvard business CEO, Bill Taylor, tersely captured the traits every successful leader must possess thus; “The true mark of a leader is the willingness to stick with a bold course of action — an unconventional business strategy, a unique product-development roadmap, a controversial marketing campaign — even as the rest of the world wonders why you’re not marching in step with the status quo. In other words, real leaders are happy to zig while others zag. They understand that in an era of hyper-competition and non-stop disruption, the only way to stand out from the crowd is to stand for something special.“
As I reflect upon this overarching quote by the renowned author, I could only draw a tiny imagery of how successful entrepreneurs disrupt and shatter the traditions, crack open the convention and take very unpopular decisions that end up in creating a new paradigm and establishing a novel trajectory in the straits of economic development. That’s a thought that struck me while I remember a brother and a leader and what he means to me and to humanity at large.
However, far from his entrepreneurial exploits and the many ceilings he had gallantly shattered to attain an enviable height in the private sector, for those who know him, either through direct connection or by extension of his goodwill, Hon Chidera Nwodo is an exemplary epitome of selflessness, self-sacrifice and compassion for humanity.
His life is a testimony of dedication to lifting others from the abyss of trial and freedom from the vacuous oppression of confusions and tyranny of the cold hand of reality. As far as people are happy, Chidera Nwodo will shift the post for them and establish a new frontier of hope for their wellbeing.
Whichever way one sees him, there is always that inner – perhaps – innate connection of a shining light that never ceases. It’s a light wrapped in a flame of grace, love, and sacrifice. That’s what many of us have seen, heard, and it’s probably going to be a testimony that will outlive the present time.
I am compelled, in good faith, to celebrate one of the leading entrepreneurs in Enugu State, with interests in real estate development and management, hospitality, entertainment, education and technology. This is the only gift I have to offer in deference to his personality as a bridge-builder; conferencing and networking across diverse cycles of investors, yet associating with men of lowly means.
He breaks the class barrier. Silent the boisterous wing of arrogance which will usually accompany success. In today’s Catholic’s first and gospel readings, from the Book of Wisdom 7:7-11 and Mark 10:17-30, we learned the significance of wisdom amidst stupendous wealth. Wisdom is even more profitable than wealth because it coheres with humility, genuine concerns for others, with detachment from the transient nature of materialism and the eternal principle of selfless sacrifice for humanity.
Hon Chidera Nwodo, popularly known as “Eze Omeogo”, a title accorded to him by the masses because of his philanthropic gesture and uncommon contribution to the development of the society, is the face of love, charity, friendship, trust and respect.
The Ubuntu philosophy of the sacrificial love of togetherness is all I have always seen in him for the past years when destiny crossed our path in a rather rude manner. That path is to later turn a path of blessing, and that relish of storytelling that can only be told with the patience that comes with a fine Ukehe palm wine and tasty nkwobi from Colliery Guest House and Garden aesthetically designed by nature where intelligent goat, native veggies, continental beaf and cow legs, vegetable chicken, assorted bush meat, and roasted fish compliment the folklore.
Happy birthday to the man of the people. Congratulations.
In a shocking turn of events, the much-anticipated airdrop from crypto-mining app, Hamster Kombat, which had been trending for months, has left thousands of Nigerians in uproar.
After five long months of continuous tapping to earn rewards, users expected substantial payouts promised by the coin’s promoters—some dreaming of becoming millionaires.
However, as the coin finally launched on Thursday, the reality hit hard: instead of the massive financial rewards users had been led to believe, payouts ranged from a mere 1 to 4 dollars.
Unconfirmed reports about the highest earner so far ranged from 7 to 17 dollars.
Social media is ablaze with frustrations, as disgruntled users lament receiving as little as ₦2.75 for their efforts.
The campaign, which had promised to turn everyday Nigerians into billionaires and CEOs, has instead sparked widespread disappointment and anger.
Nigerians have taken to various platforms to express their outrage, accusing Hamster Coin of misleading them.
The once-hopeful community of tappers is now filled with “tears and wailings,” as what was supposed to be a life-changing opportunity has turned into a bitter letdown.
Hamster Kombat came to life in March 2024.
On Thursday afternoon, the official X account, #hamster_kombat, announced the coin’s long-awaited launch.
It read, “THE MOMENT IS HERE
“$HMSTR trading has official begun! Congratulations, and to the moon, CEOs.
“On-chain is on. On-chain direct claim and balance withdrawal options are open. You can now transfer your tokens anywhere!”
A check to CoinMarketCap, reveals that the crypto asset was listed as HMSTR on number 114 at $0.008315 at at about 15.36pm on Thursday.
The market cap is valued at $535.3m and the volume since launch (in 24 hours) is $448.7m.
Nigeria, a nation once notorious for military rule, is marking 25 years of democracy, at a time when several of its West African neighbours have had coups in recent years.
The brass bands will play, the crowd will cheer and the president will make a speech – but outside of Wednesday’s official event many may be wondering what the celebration is really for.
“You cannot eat democracy” is a phrase often attributed to autocrats – but it has also been used by elected leaders as a warning about what a population might demand of them.
As many Nigerians struggle to earn enough to live on, amid an economic crisis and dramatically rising prices, some appear to be very unhappy with how they are being governed.
A survey by respected polling organisation Afrobarometer in 2022, before the current crisis, found that more than three-quarters of Nigerians surveyed were either “not very” or “not at all” satisfied with democracy.
A worrying statistic for Africa’s most populous country.
Nevertheless, the same survey found that a majority preferred democracy to any other system of governance.
Perhaps because the bitter memories of military rule still linger for many.
Since independence in 1960, the periods of civilian rule were short-lived with generals governing the country for most of the time up until 1999.
“A military coup will be almost impossible in Nigeria now,” historian Prof Kayode Soremekun said.
“The military itself has exhausted its own historic possibilities. Over time, the military has been shown to be as venal as the political class. So, the majority of Nigerians no longer see them as messiahs,” he added.
The military regimes were filled with pain and oppression, 59-year-old Adedeji Adekunle told the BBC.
Now an event planner, he recalled his experience as a student in early 1998.
“Years back, I joined a ‘military-must-go’ protest in [the main city] Lagos and soldiers attacked and arrested us. Many were tortured. It was a traumatic experience,” he said.
The period of military rule in the 1980s and 1990s was “marked by economic collapse, political repression and systematic human rights violations”, according to New York-based campaign group Human Rights Watch.
After the death of Nigeria’s head of state, Gen Sani Abacha in 1998, his successor, Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar promised elections, ushering in a new era of civilian rule a year later.
“The return of democracy to Nigeria in 1999 raised a lot of expectations, dreams, and wishes for a free, secure, united, and peaceful country,” former Senator Shehu Sani said.
Mr Adekunle breathed a sigh of relief at the time.
“Many of us initially doubted if Gen Abubakar would hand over power, but after the election was held and the winner was announced, the atmosphere changed. It was like a fresh breeze blew on the nation.”
But for today’s youth, who were not politically aware or even born at that time, the folk memory of military rule is less important.
Current President, Bola Tinubu, in power for just over a year, is facing the challenge of winning over the hearts and minds of young Nigerians amid a tough economic environment, some of which is of his own making.
His ending of the fuel subsidy and allowing the currency to devalue have sent prices shooting up.
These ambitious reforms were aimed at stabilising the economy and fostering sustainable growth in the long term, but that is no succour for those most affected.
And taking the past 25 years in Nigeria as a whole, the fact that the average income per person has seen a more than four-fold increase is unimportant for many.
It is how they perceive the current situation that counts.
As a consequence some young Nigerians, such as 33-year-old screenwriter MI Thomas, would not mind a return to military rule.
‘’I have voted since I turned 18 and all of the leaders have disappointed, every single one of them. Military regimes are decisive. They take swift action and bring effectiveness to governance,’’ he said.
A number of other young Nigerians have expressed the same desire on social media.
What may have encouraged this could be a lack of trust in the political class due to unfulfilled promises.
But it could also be a rose-tinted view of the past, with people saying that there was not as much crime and corruption during military rule.
But some may have forgotten, for example, that the late Gen Abacha looted and stashed a huge amount of public funds overseas. At least $6bn (£4.7bn) in cash and assets have been recovered so far.
It would be expected that President Tinubu was particularly sensitive to talk of military rule as he himself was once imprisoned for pro-democracy activities.
Very soon after coming to power, the president was faced with dealing with the coup in neighbouring Niger and was quick to condemn it and threatened military action – however his bold rhetoric came to nothing.
But at home, for its part, the military leadership has said that it has no interest in retaking power.
Chief of Defence Staff Gen Christopher Musa said in February that “people making such calls for a military takeover do not love Nigeria”.
“We want to make it clear that the armed forces of Nigeria are here to protect democracy. We all want democracy; we do better during democracy, and so, the armed forces will continue to support democracy.”
People have bitter memories of the time when Nigeria was ruled by Gen Sani Abacha, who died in office in 1998
There have been episodes in the past 25 years – such as when the whereabouts of late President Umar Musa Yar’Adua were unknown – that the military could have seized power, but nothing happened.
National lawmaker Senator Babangida Hussaini from Jigawa state in the north believes this is because reforms had been introduced to tame “the over-ambitious military and strengthen some institutions of governance and democracy”.
The senator admits that while “we may not have met the expectations of Nigerians… overall, we have made progress”.
There are also some, such as development studies professor Fidelis Allen, who have questioned whether the absence of military rule can be equated with true democracy.
Nigerians have voted at regular intervals since 1999 but there are still questions over whether those in office are truly accountable to the electorate in terms of how public money is spent, and if they are honest and open about their decision making.
Prof Soremekun believes that more work needs to be done to strengthen democracy.
“It is good in itself; but it must also deliver dividends to the Nigerian people,” he said.
And for those, like Mr Adekunle, who still remember military rule, there is no choice.
“Democracy is sweet, it offers people freedom. There’s nothing good with military governance.”
Source: BBC
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