Politics
Tinubu will never resign, it’ll spell doom, worse than June 12, Abiola’s son
Alhaji Jamiu Abiola, son of the late Chief MKO Abiola and Special Assistant to the President on Special Duties, Office of the Vice-President, speaks about his job, his late father and the controversy surrounding the academic records tasks vary from time to time. But the summary is that I’m saddled with the responsibility of liaising on behalf of the Office of the Vice-President with relevant stakeholders in government or the society in general when there is an issue that needs to be resolved, monitored or sustained in the interest of the country. Apart from having the willingness to serve this transformational administration, I’m also naturally interested in a democracy, for which my parents (MKO and Kudirat) died, and I am lucky to be doing so under the leadership of a man who also sacrificed all he had for the June 12 struggle and risked his life. A key part of my functions also includes getting more Nigerians positively engaged with the policies of this government, because contrary to what many people assume, the success of any administration is largely dependent on the positive input of as many citizens as possible.
The problems have always been known, isn’t that why the President promised Renewed Hope?
A major problem with leading a country as complex as Nigeria, with over 250 tribes and 500 languages, is that when you take over government from one administration, you inherit so many assets and liabilities. In some cases, the liabilities are much more than the assets. Across different sectors, this government inherited so many liabilities from previous administrations. What keeps me optimistic is that this government knows its priorities and that is why security of lives and providing jobs for the youths are at the very top of the Renewed Hope manifesto. The Tinubu/Shettima administration is wise enough to establish a connection between catering for the youths and security because it knows that without the youths being positively engaged, given that they constitute 65 per cent of our country’s population, there is no way our country can be secure. I know things are tough but during campaigns the President had made it clear that turning things around would not be easy at all. He was honest with everyone. He even said he would remove petrol subsidy, which was bound to cost him votes, but honesty has always been his policy. He needs divine support to succeed and I believe God will give him that divine support. With that, I have no doubt that this government will deliver on its manifesto and the President’s name will be written in gold.
Many Nigerians seem to be losing hope because of hardship and such persons will question the kind of hope that seems to be plunging them into hardship. What would you say to that?
I don’t think many people are losing hope and if some people are, here are a few questions they should ask themselves: Have Nigerians had a government that proposed student loans; a government that is ready to provide so much direct financial support to the poor at the grassroots, or a sitting president who fought for them to have a democracy? Have Nigerians ever had a government in which many young people are serving as ministers? I can go on and on. These are positive signs for a government that is just four months old. Another thing many people might have missed is that our President has proven that he knows that only God is above mistakes. That is why he has amended some of his policies based on feedback. The sky is our limit with a leader like that.
Many people seem to be looking beyond optimism to assess the government based on current realities. What do you say to that?
I returned to Nigeria in 1998 and I lived in Lagos, so I have a good idea of how things were in Lagos before President Tinubu became a governor then. To cut a long story short, Lagos was messed up because it had been abandoned by the Federal Government, to a large extent. Yet, people were coming from different places to Lagos at an alarming rate and in pursuit of their dreams. Some of those who came were even criminals. Senator Tinubu had just returned from exile with fresh ideas and was determined to make a difference. He won the governorship election, and due to the paucity of funds to execute the projects Lagos needed, he needed to think outside the box. Don’t forget he faced a hostile Federal Government. I jettisoned the idea of going back to the United States and decided to face things here because of Governor Tinubu’s bold policies. My friends in New York thought I had lost my mind but here I am with no regrets 24 years later. Look at his deputy, Vice-President Kashim Shettima; even though Boko Haram has been ravaging his state of Borno and took over local governments, he remained focused and turned out to be one of the best governors in northern Nigeria to date. This is why I am so confident that Nigeria would soon find its way out of the woods. The President and his deputy have been tried and tested.
The recent controversy over Tinubu’s academic records at the Chicago State University has raised a lot of concerns among many Nigerians. The PDP Presidential Candidate, Atiku Abubakar, has described the situation as a big slap on Nigeria and its people. What do you make of the unfolding situation?
The opposition is making up something that does not exist and blowing things out of proportion. The most significant fact is that the university has acknowledged that the President graduated from there. He even scored a high grade, which is a source of pride to Nigerians and not a slap on their faces. The President applied to the university as a male and graduated as a male with excellent grades. Most Nigerians are more interested in how President Tinubu turned a gloomy Lagos to a dazzling model state with a robust master plan. They want him to achieve the same feat in Nigeria as a whole. People voted for him because of his Renewed Hope Agenda and because, unlike other politicians, he had a realistic plan. Nigerians have real problems and they need a man capable of solving these problems.
Some people have called on the President to resign because of the controversy, do you think that is extreme?
The President will never resign because that would spell doom for Nigeria. It would even be worse than June 12 because, unlike my father, he is a sitting President and has started exercising his executive powers in the interest of Nigerians. To ask him to resign would be like asking a mother to put her children back into her womb. However, I’m so disappointed with the opposition for going that far; approaching American courts when they knew they didn’t have a case. We are talking of a former Mobil treasurer and a two-term governor of the most sophisticated state in Africa’s most populous country. The whole thing is ridiculous. They (opposition) are acting as if we don’t have courts here in Nigeria, which makes me wonder why they want to rule a country they don’t believe in. I can’t believe that this is the same Vice-President Atiku who stepped down for my father and supported him during his presidential primaries. I wonder when Africans would stop embarrassing our continent abroad as if Africa has not suffered enough. The more I think of that case in the US, the more I see it as some kind of conspiracy reminiscent of when the Sani Abacha government took the State of New York to court for its decision to name a corner in New York after my mother, the late Alhaja Kudirat Abiola. May her soul rest in peace.
Do you think your parents would be happy about how democracy is faring in Nigeria today, given the circumstances of their death?
Most past leaders have failed but not all of them. When speaking of leaders, I focus on all leaders – presidents and governors alike. It is unfair to only focus on the Federal Government because what happens at the state level has a lot of impact on the overall state of the country. Nigeria is 63 and is in a very bad shape, but as an optimist I never yield to despair, I always look at a cup as half full instead of half empty. To me, the shortcut to success would be the immediate implementation of the Renewed Hope manifesto by all levels of government. In that manifesto, the President put together realistic programmes. Among them, for example, is increasing the cultivation of arable land from 35 per cent to 65 per cent. Do you know the level of progress we will make as a nation if this is achieved? Do you know that a lot of young men involved in banditry and terrorism would be gainfully engaged? There needs to be an economic angle to tackle insecurity. I think it’s time the leadership at the state and local government levels got copies of the manifesto and studied how they could team up with the Federal Government, regardless of party affiliation. Nigeria needs a rescue mission to attain a befitting infrastructure corresponding to a rapidly rising population and to overcome the negative consequences of the past leadership failure that you mentioned. All hands must be on deck.
You once said Nigeria’s problem was beyond what any man could achieve, why do you think Tinubu would solve Nigeria’s many problems?
To solve Nigeria’s problems would require divine intervention and to be a beneficiary of divine intervention you need to be honest, transparent and straightforward. Since President Tinubu began his consultations and campaigns, he has been honest with Nigerians. He has also been transparent and straightforward. Against his personal interest, he informed Nigerians during the heat of a campaign that would lead to a keenly contested election that he would remove fuel subsidy and take other harsh economic decisions. He did this at great risk because he could have lost the election for being so frank, but that did not stop him from being honest. God loves such people and that is why by His grace the President would be a beneficiary of His divine intervention.
Looking at the outcome of the 2023 elections, the issues that have emerged and how the courts are determining winners, what reforms do you think are necessary for a better electoral system before the next general elections?
When speaking of electoral reforms, there will always be room for improvement. At some point, this government will look into improving the electoral system. However, I am happy that no one has been able to substantiate the claim that the results of the last presidential elections would have been different had they been transmitted electronically. As for the courts, they will always play a role in elections since they are needed to interpret electoral laws. Even in the United States, during the last presidential election, I lost count of the number of court cases. If that can happen in such an old democracy, we should not expect miracles here.
What are your thoughts on the level of division among Nigerians vis-a-vis the agitation for Biafra, Yoruba Nation, etc.?
When times are tough, people tend to want to separate. Even husband and wife are more likely to split when facing economic hardship. I don’t believe that Nigeria was brought together by God with its rich diversity of 250 tribes and 500 languages for nothing. I don’t think separation is part of our destiny. There is a divine objective and part of it is the implementation of the vision and mission of our President as exhibited in his Renewed Hope Manifesto. By the time his plans begin to take shape in a couple of months, the clamour for division will turn to whispers and they will vanish into thin air. Just wait and see!
You said in the past that Tinubu had things in common with your father, what are those things?
Yes, President Tinubu has some things in common with my father. A major reason why many of our leaders have failed is because they are not emotionally connected to the grass roots. They don’t feel what the average man feels and I wonder why they are like that. However, both President Tinubu and my late father seem to be more comfortable in the midst of the poor and vulnerable than they are in the midst of the high and mighty. Both men are also generous and bold enough to give all they have. This is crucial because their promises are never empty since they do more than they say, unlike most politicians.
What do you think Nigerians should hold on to in the face of daunting economic challenges facing the majority?
One of my main mentors, former Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola, recently said that one does not need a position to serve their country. I think we should all adopt and implement this golden counsel. We should remember it all the time and ensure that we learn to regularly go the extra mile for our country for nothing in return. It is our country, so it is our duty.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
-
News5 days agoMajor Generals to Receive Up to ₦25.91m Yearly as Tinubu Approves New Military Pension Structure
-
Crime4 days agoMurder of Aiza Nwosu: Niece, 12 Suspected Cultists Arrested, Nephew at Large
-
News4 days agoAnambra Community Petitions Soludo Over Erosion Caused by Illegal Sand Mining
-
Crime5 days agoAnambra Police Deny N600,000 Bribe Demand, Explain Arrest of Suspected Cultist’s Sister
-
Politics5 days ago2027: Former Deputy Governor Resigns From APC
-
Entertainment4 days agoDavido Reveals How Dangote Drove His Mother Home
-
News2 days agoFCC Urges Enugu Youths to Prepare for Federal Job Opportunities
-
Crime4 days agoWoman Recounts Rape By Nigerian Jailed 17 Years In UK