Politics
Tinubu will never resign, it’ll spell doom, worse than June 12, Abiola’s son
Alhaji Jamiu Abiola, son of the late Chief MKO Abiola and Special Assistant to the President on Special Duties, Office of the Vice-President, speaks about his job, his late father and the controversy surrounding the academic records tasks vary from time to time. But the summary is that I’m saddled with the responsibility of liaising on behalf of the Office of the Vice-President with relevant stakeholders in government or the society in general when there is an issue that needs to be resolved, monitored or sustained in the interest of the country. Apart from having the willingness to serve this transformational administration, I’m also naturally interested in a democracy, for which my parents (MKO and Kudirat) died, and I am lucky to be doing so under the leadership of a man who also sacrificed all he had for the June 12 struggle and risked his life. A key part of my functions also includes getting more Nigerians positively engaged with the policies of this government, because contrary to what many people assume, the success of any administration is largely dependent on the positive input of as many citizens as possible.
The problems have always been known, isn’t that why the President promised Renewed Hope?
A major problem with leading a country as complex as Nigeria, with over 250 tribes and 500 languages, is that when you take over government from one administration, you inherit so many assets and liabilities. In some cases, the liabilities are much more than the assets. Across different sectors, this government inherited so many liabilities from previous administrations. What keeps me optimistic is that this government knows its priorities and that is why security of lives and providing jobs for the youths are at the very top of the Renewed Hope manifesto. The Tinubu/Shettima administration is wise enough to establish a connection between catering for the youths and security because it knows that without the youths being positively engaged, given that they constitute 65 per cent of our country’s population, there is no way our country can be secure. I know things are tough but during campaigns the President had made it clear that turning things around would not be easy at all. He was honest with everyone. He even said he would remove petrol subsidy, which was bound to cost him votes, but honesty has always been his policy. He needs divine support to succeed and I believe God will give him that divine support. With that, I have no doubt that this government will deliver on its manifesto and the President’s name will be written in gold.
Many Nigerians seem to be losing hope because of hardship and such persons will question the kind of hope that seems to be plunging them into hardship. What would you say to that?
I don’t think many people are losing hope and if some people are, here are a few questions they should ask themselves: Have Nigerians had a government that proposed student loans; a government that is ready to provide so much direct financial support to the poor at the grassroots, or a sitting president who fought for them to have a democracy? Have Nigerians ever had a government in which many young people are serving as ministers? I can go on and on. These are positive signs for a government that is just four months old. Another thing many people might have missed is that our President has proven that he knows that only God is above mistakes. That is why he has amended some of his policies based on feedback. The sky is our limit with a leader like that.
Many people seem to be looking beyond optimism to assess the government based on current realities. What do you say to that?
I returned to Nigeria in 1998 and I lived in Lagos, so I have a good idea of how things were in Lagos before President Tinubu became a governor then. To cut a long story short, Lagos was messed up because it had been abandoned by the Federal Government, to a large extent. Yet, people were coming from different places to Lagos at an alarming rate and in pursuit of their dreams. Some of those who came were even criminals. Senator Tinubu had just returned from exile with fresh ideas and was determined to make a difference. He won the governorship election, and due to the paucity of funds to execute the projects Lagos needed, he needed to think outside the box. Don’t forget he faced a hostile Federal Government. I jettisoned the idea of going back to the United States and decided to face things here because of Governor Tinubu’s bold policies. My friends in New York thought I had lost my mind but here I am with no regrets 24 years later. Look at his deputy, Vice-President Kashim Shettima; even though Boko Haram has been ravaging his state of Borno and took over local governments, he remained focused and turned out to be one of the best governors in northern Nigeria to date. This is why I am so confident that Nigeria would soon find its way out of the woods. The President and his deputy have been tried and tested.
The recent controversy over Tinubu’s academic records at the Chicago State University has raised a lot of concerns among many Nigerians. The PDP Presidential Candidate, Atiku Abubakar, has described the situation as a big slap on Nigeria and its people. What do you make of the unfolding situation?
The opposition is making up something that does not exist and blowing things out of proportion. The most significant fact is that the university has acknowledged that the President graduated from there. He even scored a high grade, which is a source of pride to Nigerians and not a slap on their faces. The President applied to the university as a male and graduated as a male with excellent grades. Most Nigerians are more interested in how President Tinubu turned a gloomy Lagos to a dazzling model state with a robust master plan. They want him to achieve the same feat in Nigeria as a whole. People voted for him because of his Renewed Hope Agenda and because, unlike other politicians, he had a realistic plan. Nigerians have real problems and they need a man capable of solving these problems.
Some people have called on the President to resign because of the controversy, do you think that is extreme?
The President will never resign because that would spell doom for Nigeria. It would even be worse than June 12 because, unlike my father, he is a sitting President and has started exercising his executive powers in the interest of Nigerians. To ask him to resign would be like asking a mother to put her children back into her womb. However, I’m so disappointed with the opposition for going that far; approaching American courts when they knew they didn’t have a case. We are talking of a former Mobil treasurer and a two-term governor of the most sophisticated state in Africa’s most populous country. The whole thing is ridiculous. They (opposition) are acting as if we don’t have courts here in Nigeria, which makes me wonder why they want to rule a country they don’t believe in. I can’t believe that this is the same Vice-President Atiku who stepped down for my father and supported him during his presidential primaries. I wonder when Africans would stop embarrassing our continent abroad as if Africa has not suffered enough. The more I think of that case in the US, the more I see it as some kind of conspiracy reminiscent of when the Sani Abacha government took the State of New York to court for its decision to name a corner in New York after my mother, the late Alhaja Kudirat Abiola. May her soul rest in peace.
Do you think your parents would be happy about how democracy is faring in Nigeria today, given the circumstances of their death?
Most past leaders have failed but not all of them. When speaking of leaders, I focus on all leaders – presidents and governors alike. It is unfair to only focus on the Federal Government because what happens at the state level has a lot of impact on the overall state of the country. Nigeria is 63 and is in a very bad shape, but as an optimist I never yield to despair, I always look at a cup as half full instead of half empty. To me, the shortcut to success would be the immediate implementation of the Renewed Hope manifesto by all levels of government. In that manifesto, the President put together realistic programmes. Among them, for example, is increasing the cultivation of arable land from 35 per cent to 65 per cent. Do you know the level of progress we will make as a nation if this is achieved? Do you know that a lot of young men involved in banditry and terrorism would be gainfully engaged? There needs to be an economic angle to tackle insecurity. I think it’s time the leadership at the state and local government levels got copies of the manifesto and studied how they could team up with the Federal Government, regardless of party affiliation. Nigeria needs a rescue mission to attain a befitting infrastructure corresponding to a rapidly rising population and to overcome the negative consequences of the past leadership failure that you mentioned. All hands must be on deck.
You once said Nigeria’s problem was beyond what any man could achieve, why do you think Tinubu would solve Nigeria’s many problems?
To solve Nigeria’s problems would require divine intervention and to be a beneficiary of divine intervention you need to be honest, transparent and straightforward. Since President Tinubu began his consultations and campaigns, he has been honest with Nigerians. He has also been transparent and straightforward. Against his personal interest, he informed Nigerians during the heat of a campaign that would lead to a keenly contested election that he would remove fuel subsidy and take other harsh economic decisions. He did this at great risk because he could have lost the election for being so frank, but that did not stop him from being honest. God loves such people and that is why by His grace the President would be a beneficiary of His divine intervention.
Looking at the outcome of the 2023 elections, the issues that have emerged and how the courts are determining winners, what reforms do you think are necessary for a better electoral system before the next general elections?
When speaking of electoral reforms, there will always be room for improvement. At some point, this government will look into improving the electoral system. However, I am happy that no one has been able to substantiate the claim that the results of the last presidential elections would have been different had they been transmitted electronically. As for the courts, they will always play a role in elections since they are needed to interpret electoral laws. Even in the United States, during the last presidential election, I lost count of the number of court cases. If that can happen in such an old democracy, we should not expect miracles here.
What are your thoughts on the level of division among Nigerians vis-a-vis the agitation for Biafra, Yoruba Nation, etc.?
When times are tough, people tend to want to separate. Even husband and wife are more likely to split when facing economic hardship. I don’t believe that Nigeria was brought together by God with its rich diversity of 250 tribes and 500 languages for nothing. I don’t think separation is part of our destiny. There is a divine objective and part of it is the implementation of the vision and mission of our President as exhibited in his Renewed Hope Manifesto. By the time his plans begin to take shape in a couple of months, the clamour for division will turn to whispers and they will vanish into thin air. Just wait and see!
You said in the past that Tinubu had things in common with your father, what are those things?
Yes, President Tinubu has some things in common with my father. A major reason why many of our leaders have failed is because they are not emotionally connected to the grass roots. They don’t feel what the average man feels and I wonder why they are like that. However, both President Tinubu and my late father seem to be more comfortable in the midst of the poor and vulnerable than they are in the midst of the high and mighty. Both men are also generous and bold enough to give all they have. This is crucial because their promises are never empty since they do more than they say, unlike most politicians.
What do you think Nigerians should hold on to in the face of daunting economic challenges facing the majority?
One of my main mentors, former Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola, recently said that one does not need a position to serve their country. I think we should all adopt and implement this golden counsel. We should remember it all the time and ensure that we learn to regularly go the extra mile for our country for nothing in return. It is our country, so it is our duty.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
No fewer than 10 state governors and former governors are actively working to replace incumbent senators ahead of the 2027 general elections, in what appears to be a sweeping political realignment reshaping Nigeria’s legislative landscape.
The sitting governors, whose tenure will expire by May 2027, are leveraging their control of party structures in their states to secure Senate tickets—largely through “consensus” arrangements.
At least 12 of Nigeria’s 36 incumbent governors are currently serving their second and final terms. Of that number, 10 will complete their constitutionally mandated eight years on May 29, 2027, setting the stage for a high-stakes political transition that is already unsettling party structures nationwide.
Eight of the affected governors are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Seyi Makinde of Oyo State belongs to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), while Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State is affiliated with the Peoples Democratic Party, contrary to earlier claims linking him to the Allied Peoples Movement.
Governors expected to complete their tenure in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Muhammadu Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa and Hope Uzodimma of Imo will also finish their second terms, their exit dates fall in January and February 2028, respectively, due to off-cycle elections. However, their extended timelines have not excluded them from early succession and Senate calculations.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu, during a meeting with the leadership of the National Assembly, rebuffed lobbying efforts by lawmakers seeking automatic return tickets ahead of the 2027 elections. Instead, he reaffirmed the authority of state governors over candidate selection in their respective states.
Sources familiar with the meeting revealed that senators had approached the President to seek assurances for automatic tickets.
“The meeting was to plead for automatic tickets, but the President insisted that governors, as party leaders in their states, must have a decisive say on who gets the ticket,” a source disclosed.
Less than 24 hours later, Tinubu convened another meeting with APC governors, where he reportedly gave them a free hand to conduct party primaries in accordance with the Electoral Act—either through consensus or direct primaries.
Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago confirmed this, stating that the President had effectively empowered governors to drive the primaries process.
Investigations across several states—including Yobe, Nasarawa, Adamawa, Ogun, Gombe, Bauchi, Kwara, and Imo—indicate a growing pattern in which party stakeholders endorse governors or their preferred candidates as sole contenders. In many cases, rivals are pressured to step aside, while primaries are either avoided or reduced to mere formalities.
In Yobe State, Senator Musa Mustapha (Yobe East) stepped aside to support Governor Mai Mala Buni after a stakeholders’ meeting in Damaturu. He also withdrew from the governorship race, pledging full loyalty to party leadership decisions.
Similarly, in Gombe State, former governor and Senator Danjuma Goje lost his bid for a fifth term following a zoning arrangement favouring a candidate aligned with Governor Yahaya.
In Imo State, Governor Hope Uzodimma has been endorsed as the consensus candidate for Imo West, despite the interest of incumbent Senator Osita Izunaso. The move has triggered tension, with former governor Rochas Okorocha also entering the race.
In Ogun State, the consensus model has broken down into open conflict, as Governor Dapo Abiodun’s Senate ambition has put him at odds with incumbent Senator Gbenga Daniel.
In Adamawa, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri has emerged as the consensus candidate for Adamawa North, with the incumbent senator stepping aside in his favour.
Similar developments have been recorded in Nasarawa, Kwara, Delta, and Kogi states, where governors and former governors are positioning themselves to take over Senate seats—often displacing incumbents.
Meanwhile, in Cross River State, former governor Ben Ayade revealed he had been asked to drop his Senate ambition following high-level consultations, a decision he described as painful and unjust.
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