Opinion
“Mburubu Again: The Truth Behind the Crisis, Key Players, and the Way Forward”
By, Obinna Chukwu.
Mburubu Community in Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu State has been in a traditional leadership imbroglio since 2023, an issue that has kept the community in a negative light in media reportage. While the conflict seemed to be coming to an end between March and September 2025, another round of feud arose in October 2025, with many falsehoods being spread about the history of the community leadership tussle as well as abuses against community members by some interested parties, particularly those affiliated with the current state government. Recently, an empirical fact-finding investigation was conducted to uncover the root causes of this issue with the aim of finding a long-lasting solution, as the atmosphere in Mburubu once again indicated the need for accurate information and collective memory.
The investigation was carried out by Community Peace International, a South East-based Non-Governmental Organization that promotes peace and rural development. The NGO countered the lies propagated by some community leaders interested in the traditional leadership stool in Mburubu and challenged false claims against one of the contenders. Through their work, the complicated journey of Mburubu became clearer to observers who had been confused by conflicting narratives. The intervention opened a window into the forces that have shaped the contest for authority in the community.
On March 6, 2025, Chief Simon Anobi published a piece entitled “Facts Behind Mburubu Igwership Tussle” across various media platforms. Investigation has revealed that his claims were motivated by selfish interests and spread lies about his community. His publication generated tensions and elicited responses from residents who considered the narrative a misrepresentation of events that have long defined the path to leadership selection in the area.
During that period, a community leader, Mr. Edwin Ezeh, wrote a piece to counter the falsehoods and published it in media houses. The publication refuted all the lies and called for all parties to withdraw their court cases and test their popularity directly among the people. He emphasized that history must precede politics and that every contender must embrace the truth that guided the founders of the community structure in the past. His position reopened old memories of how leadership emerged in Mburubu, which prompted the investigation from the NGO.
Mburubu Leadership Origin
Mburubu Community Igweship began in 1976 when the community chose their late Igwe, HRH E. M. O. Ezeh. Before his coronation, the community gathered and called him to lead them because of his love for and contributions to their growth. Prior to his emergence, Mburubu had chiefs who represented them, such as Chief Chukwu Anyiene from Obinagu, another from Uhuagu, and others. The late E. M. O. Ezeh hailed from Umudara. The people saw his leadership as a continuation of their collective progress and embraced him with trust.
In line with military government directives, Mburubu Community agreed to have an Igwe, and he was crowned in April 1976. Around July 1976, the government led by Col. Arthur Mkpere gave him a certificate of recognition and a staff of office. During his coronation at Umudara village square, the late Igwe asked Ndi Mburubu if he could be succeeded by his son whenever his reign came to an end. The community said no, stating that his Igweship was a result of his good deeds to them. Thus, his successor would come from any other village except Umudara and must be someone accepted by the majority of Ndi Mburubu. That was the origin of the rotation system, which means the Igwe would come from a village that was not that of the late Igwe and must be elected by the majority. This agreement was signed by the late Igwe and other stakeholders in the community as a constitution for Igweship selection, also known as the 1976 Mburubu Autonomous Community Constitution, which is gazetted with the Enugu State Government.
At that time, despite the late Igwe being the majority choice, the late Anthony Nweke Chukwu from Uhuagu village and another man from Umudara contested against him. However, the late Igwe E. M. O. Ezeh was not selected based on the seniority of his village, Umudara, but on his popularity and good deeds to the community. In 1976, Uhuegbe village was recognized as the eldest village in Mburubu and received every accolade associated with that status. However, in 1977, a man from Umudara village, the late Ogbede Nwaonyeabor, took an oath and swore that Uhuegbe village was not the eldest in Mburubu but rather Umudara. Umudara village had settled in Mburubu before Uhuegbe, as Mburubu people were made up of different settlers from different areas. His action triggered debates that lingered for years and shaped the identity of the community.
In Igbo tradition, when someone takes an oath or swears before a deity, they are given one year to die or stay alive. If they survive, the other party is expected to purify them through ị́gwa ehụ, a traditional purification. However, Uhuegbe village refused to perform the purification after that period in 1978. Umudara village later carried it out and claimed the position of the eldest village in 1978. It is worthy of note that Uhuegbe village still contests the seniority issue to this day. The seniority conversation, therefore, remains a matter of perspective rather than a concluded fact.
Hitherto, no other village has taken any action to establish who comes next in seniority after Umudara, which means there is no known or verifiable order of seniority documented. These developments made it clear that the community’s late Igwe was not elected based on village seniority. His emergence was grounded in community trust and service to the people.
The 2003 Mburubu Town Union Constitution
It was discovered that before 2003, many people had led Mburubu unions since 1970 after the war under the name Mburubu Progressive Union (MPU), which independently ran the affairs of the union. Leaders included Chief Nweke Onovo, Chief Sylvanus Njoku, and the late Chief Emmanuel Ezechukwu, with their own union constitutions. Their work defined the early democratic life of the community.
In 1993, a team of intellectuals from the community, led by Engr. Dr. D. C. Chukwu, came together to advocate for the establishment of a proper constitution to guide the union, which they successfully implemented. That constitution contained nothing linking the town union regulatory system with traditional leadership.
The community had other Town Union Presidents, including Chief Boniface Ogbede, the late Patrick Ifediora, and Mr. Livinus Edeh, who led effectively under the 1993 constitution. Their work maintained stability in community administration and established important precedents.
Conflict arose with the emergence of Chief Simon Anobi as a factional Town Union President and Chief Boniface Ogbede as another factional President in July 2003. Chief Simon Anobi was inaugurated with his faction in August 2003 and set up a committee led by the late Mr. Aniebonam Igbudu to write a new constitution, claiming there was no other constitution for the town union. Their action opened a new chapter of conflict in the political history of Mburubu.
During this process, no member of the Igwe cabinet was involved, no Igwe representative participated, and no discussion on the traditional institution occurred during the drafting of the constitution, as the traditional stool operates under established rules. The late Aniebonam Igbudu managed to smuggle several items into that factional constitution without community leaders’ knowledge, likely due to personal interests. In the 2003 Mburubu Town Union Constitution, Mr. Simon Anobi single-handedly extended his tenure from three years to five years.
The illegal constitution positioned the community’s Igwe as the Board of Trustees Chairman and patron of the town union, requiring his signatory. However, some village chairmen and other town unions across Mburubu refused to sign it. It was later rejected by the entire community. The propagators later used colleagues to sign secretly.
On January 4, 2004, the community convened at Obodo Uhuegbe Village Square to resolve the town union issue. They agreed that all actions by either factional Town Union President were null and void. Stakeholders preached for peace and ordered a confirmatory election where all male members aged 18 and above would vote to select the Town Union President between Chief Simon Anobi and Chief Boniface Ogbede. Chief Simon Anobi won and continued with his executives. This established that the 2003 town union constitution, drafted and signed between August and December 2003, was nullified by the community, and the confirmation election was conducted by the people, not delegates.
Town Union Elections
Some leadership interested parties became very powerful and consistently disregarded the majority opinion. Their economic influence allowed them to impose their will, especially regarding manipulations in the 2003 town union constitution and the zoning of executive positions.
Findings also noted that one of the late Igwe’s sons and Chief Simon Anobi influenced leadership selection in the community, including imposing the late Mr. Celestine Chukwu from Uhuagu Village despite local rejection. Due to lack of opposition, they initially succeeded. However, conflicts arose between the cabal and Celestine Chukwu over amendments to the 2003 town union constitution, already due for revision. Chukwu set up a constitutional amendment committee comprising men of wisdom from villages and branches, while the late Igwe nominated a representative.
The 2013 amendment was completed, removing the Igwe’s son’s power to control the election screening committee, as stated in the 2003 constitution. He then went to court to challenge the amendment. The case remained dormant due to limited resources.
After the expiration of Chukwu’s tenure, the late Igwe’s son zoned the presidency to Uhuegbe Village in favor of Ọzọ Kenneth Igbudu. Chief Simon Anobi opposed Igbudu’s candidacy, claiming he was a cousin to Celestine Chukwu, with past conflicts, and supported Chief Cornelius Okolie instead. Despite this, the people of Uhuegbe unanimously selected Mr. Calistus Chukwu, rekindling agitation as the cabal imposed their choice.
Afterward, Prince Ezeh, the late Igwe’s son, zoned the town union presidency to Obinagu Village to favor his personal driver, Hon. Emmanuel Edeh. Obinagu villagers rejected this and elected Ọzọ Sylvanus Chukwudi, popularly known as Morgodor, who won overwhelmingly. Prince Ezeh imposed Hon. Edeh on the community, disregarding principles of equity, fairness, and natural justice. His leadership symbolized the conflict between popular will and imposed authority.
Emergence of Engr. Dr. Jerry Patrick Onuokaibe
After the late Igwe’s death in December 2021 and burial in April 2022, the community mourned for over a year and decided to select a successor. A meeting was held at Obodo Uhuegbe Village Square with all people, the late Igwe cabinet, and the General Assembly. The community sought someone who would serve like the late Igwe, prioritize the community’s interest, bring development, be young and vibrant, and hold an Ọzọ title.
After deliberation and following the 1976 coronation agreement, Ọzọ Jerry Patrick Onuokaibe was chosen by the overwhelming majority. A delegation informed him of the decision. After consultations, he accepted. His name was submitted to the local government, then to the Ministry of Local Government Rural Development and Chieftaincy Matters between December 28, 2023, and January 6, 2024.
On February 2, 2024, the community held a grand reception for him, funded by community donations. Prince Ezeh and Simon Anobi attempted to disrupt the event using thugs, but the community intervened. Prince Ezeh even attempted to arrest Hon. Njoku Ifeanyi a day before the reception, which was prevented by community leaders and Ọzọ Jerry Patrick Onuokaibe. Vulnerable villagers attending the event were harassed, but intervention from Onuokaibe and security agencies ensured their safety.
Prince Ezeh’s Attempt to Impose an Igwe
While his father’s remains were still in the morgue, Prince Ezeh and Mr. Simon Anobi attempted to exploit outcasts to give Chief Simon Anobi access to the Igwe stool. This move was resisted by the community, who had capable defenders to match their oppressors.
Critical but Unanswered Questions
The community continues to ask Prince Ezeh and his cohorts: Where was the 2003 Town Union constitution when Chief Simon Anobi was taken to the governor after the late Igwe’s death for recognition? Where was the constitution when Hon. Emmanuel Edeh campaigned to be Igwe? Why reference this constitution when imposing town union presidents?
Igweship Selection Election
Prince Ezeh, Chief Simon Anobi, and their cohorts attempted to conduct an Igweship election using the controversial 2003 Town Union constitution, not approved or gazetted by the Enugu State Government, rather than the 1976 Mburubu Autonomous Community Constitution. The draft recognized six villages instead of seven and allowed only 18 delegates to vote, disregarding the community’s population of over 30,000. A court injunction prevented what could have been a disastrous election.
The Way Forward
Courts do not give communities traditional rulers; the people do. Mburubians must unite, withdraw all court cases, reject violence and intimidation, and allow the precedent of 1976 to guide the process. All parties should test their popularity among male and female indigenes aged 18 and above, as done in January 2004 during the confirmation election of the Town Union President.
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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