Politics
Kano Guber: Tinubu and Ganduje playing with with fire
By Farooq A. Kperogi
The Court of Appeal on Friday upheld the verdict of the Kano State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal that reversed the electoral triumph of NNPP’s Governor Abba Yusuf of Kano State. I sincerely hope this assault on justice isn’t the spark that ignites an inferno in Kano—and in the country.
The signs had been evident since early October that a predetermination had been made that irrespective of the facts, the flawed, preplanned judgment of the election petition tribunal must be preserved at all costs.
For example, on October 6, the Head of the Legal Department of INEC in Kano State by the name of Suleiman Alkali wrote a curious letter stating that INEC, which had declared NNP’s Yusuf as the validly elected winner of the governorship election in Kano, was no longer interested in defending its declaration.
“I have been instructed by the commission headquarters that INEC as an umpire has no reason to appeal any judgment,” he wrote. “Consequently, the National Commission in charge of Legal Services and National Commissioner in charge of Kano zone directed that the appeal be withdrawn and all processes for all appeals should be forwarded to the Kano Office.”
In response to the jolt and outrage that the letter generated, Sam Olumekun, INEC’s National Commissioner and chairman of its Information and Voter Education Committee, said Alkali wasn’t authorized to write the letter, pointing out that the letter has “since been withdrawn and the officer reprimanded.” We weren’t told the nature of the “reprimand” because it was a lie.
That was exactly what played out when INEC acted in cahoots with Ahmed Lawan to steal APC’s Bashir Machina’s Yobe North Senatorial District primary win, which the Supreme Court affirmed in a shameless show of what I called judicial banditry.
(Retired Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammed quoted his colleague’s quotation of my abrasive censure of the Supreme Court in his parting shots at his colleagues even though he and his colleague didn’t give me credit— and slightly misquoted me. I said in a February 6 article titled “Lawan and Supreme Court of Shameless Judicial Bandits” that “Nigeria’s Supreme Court is, without a doubt, a rotten gaggle of useless, purchasable judicial bandits. The highest bidder gets their judgement.” Dattijo used “voter” where I used “rotten.”)
Anyway, on September 5, 2022, an INEC lawyer by the name of Onyechi Ikpeazu, SAN, had filed an affidavit at the Federal High Court to discredit the result of its own election that had declared Machina as the winner of the Yobe North APC senatorial primary election.
In the aftermath of the shock and fury that attended this, Festus Okoye, at the time INEC’s National Commissioner and chairman of its Information and Voter Education Committee Festus, repudiated Ikpeazu’s affidavit and said, “the Commission will review its quality assurance protocols, including the preview by appropriate ranking officials of all processes filed on its behalf to ascertain their correctness in all material particulars with all reports and all information at its disposal before their presentation so that a situation like this is not repeated.”
Well, that situation was repeated in Kano in October this year, almost exactly a year later. It seems to be a well-practiced pattern. INEC first flies a kite, sees how high it flies, then crashes it. But the whole point is to prepare the minds of the public for what is being hatched so as to minimize its shock value when it finally materializes.
If the outcome of the Ahmed Lawan and Bashir Machina case is any guide, it means INEC is deeply complicit in Ganduje’s chicanery and plot to steal Yusuf’s governorship. It might also mean that the“judicial bandits” I talked about at the Supreme Court are waiting in the wings to feast on another stolen electoral dinner. I hope I am wrong.
The second indication that this appeal court judgment was a well-rehearsed theater came when the appeal court completed its deliberations on November 6 but deferred its judgment until November 17 and then requested that security be heightened in Kano in anticipation of the publicizing of its judgement. Only people in a dry run for the abortion of justice ask for anticipatory protection from their potential victims.
As I pointed out in my September 23, 2023, column titled “Why the Kano Verdict Can’t Stand,” it is apparent that former Kano State governor and current APC national chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, has resolved to damn all consequences and use the federal might at his disposal to wrest the power that his party and his flunkey lost to Rabiu Kwankwaso and his son-in-law in the governorship election.
“APC appears intent to get back through judicial manipulation what it lost through the ballot box,” I wrote. “It’s a higher-order, more sophisticated, and less primitive version of the broad-day electoral heist they perpetrated in 2019 after former Governor Abdullahi ‘Gandollar’ Ganduje lost to the same Abba Yusuf.”
In a defiant disregard for potentially untoward consequences, Ganduje—of course, with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s blessing—has decided to pull all strings to snatch judicial victory from the jaws of electoral defeat.
As I will show shortly, both the election tribunal and the appeal court are not even pretending to be fair in their judgments. They have already been handed a verdict and mandated to fish for evidence to justify it. The verdict, of course, is that NNPP’s Abba Yusuf must go and must be replaced by APC’s Nasiru Gawuna.
In rhetorical studies, we call that finalism, that is, a conclusion in search of evidence. Psychologists call it “motivated reasoning,” that is, tendentious interpretation intentionally designed to produce a predetermined outcome. Philosophers call that armchair hermeneutics, that is, reasoning that ignores the evidence.
The Daily Trust reported Justice Moore A. Adumein as predicating the nullification of Yusuf’s victory on the fact of his not being a member of the NNPP when he was nominated by the party. “As rightfully found, Yusuf Abba was not a member of the NNPP at the time he was purportedly sponsored by his party and he was not qualified to contest the March Governorship Election,” Justice Adumein reportedly said.
Yet, in quashing the election of APC’s House of Representatives member Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso and reinstating NNPP’s Yusuf Umar Datti as the validly elected member to represent Kano’s Kura/Madobi/Garun Malam Federal Constituency seat, the same appeal court said two weeks ago that “the issue of membership of a political party is an internal affair, which no court has jurisdiction on,” according to the LEADERSHIP newspaper.
I had thought that this was settled law. As I wrote in a previous column, “A May 26 Supreme Court ruling also says rival parties have no right to question the validity of the internal decisions made by other parties unless they can prove that they suffered demonstrable harm as a result of the internal decisions another party took. So, the Kano governorship election tribunal’s verdict on this issue will be as dead as a dodo upon appeal.”
The question now is, why is NNPP’s Yusuf being held to a different standard? I get that Kwankwaso and Yusuf didn’t handle their victory well. Instead of being happy, their victory roused destructive vengeance and mean-spiritedness in them. But that’s no reason to steal their legitimately earned victory.
I am certain that NNPP will take this case to the Supreme Court. If the Supreme Court is guided by its precedents, which is never guaranteed, I have no doubt that it will invalidate the judgements of the lower courts.
But this is clearly not a legal issue. It’s a battle for political supremacy in Kano between Ganduje and Kwankwaso in which Ganduje is deploying the courts as cudgels to fustigate Kwankwaso.
My advice for President Tinubu is to be very watchful because this is really treacherous territory. Righteous anger over obvious injustice—on top of ongoing existential torment in the country—can spark violence whose consequence we can’t predict.
Source: Tribune
A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.
Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.
He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.
Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.
“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.
“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?
“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.
Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?
According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?
Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”
He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.
“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.
“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.
“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.
According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.
“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.
Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.
He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.
By PETRUS OBI
Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.
It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.
At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.
Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?
Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.
Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.
His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.
Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.
Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.
The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.
More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.
That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?
The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.
Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.
He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.
That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.
The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.
In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.
Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.
That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.
The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.
Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.
There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.
Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.
Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.
With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.
More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.
The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.
But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.
Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.
That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.
The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.
Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.
If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.
He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.
Politics
2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’
Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.
Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.
According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.
“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.
“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.
“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!
“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”
Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.
“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.
“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.
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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.
“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.
“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.
Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.
“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.
Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.
“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.
“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.
The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.
Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.
By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.
Politics
Awkunanaw Clan gives ‘Ofo’ to their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, the NDC 2027 Enugu state Guber candidate
The people of Awkunanaw clan comprising 22 autonomous communities that span Enugu South and Nkanu West Local Government Areas of Enugu state declared their total support for the governorship ambition of their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, who is the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, 2027 governorship candidate for Enugu state.
The elders and thousands of the people of these 22 communities namely, Omuoha, Amechi Obuoffia, Ndi Uno Obuoffia, Amangwu, Ndi Agu Obuoffia, Amegu Akegbe, Attakwu, Obeaghu, Akegbe Ugwu(Okwuo) Umuatugbuoma, Umueze, Amechi Uwani, Amechi Uno, Amechi, Ugwuaji, Obegu Ugwuaji, Akwuke, Akwuke Uwani, Amodu Okowo, Okpebe, Obeagu, and Obeagu Uno gathered in their ancestral home, Ihuani Okunano at Ndi Uno Obuoffia where they prayed and gave the traditional ‘Ofo’ to Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, endorsing him, and expressing their total support, for his 2027 governorship ambition.
The elders led by the oldest man in the clan, the 104 years-old Chief Emmanuel Agwa Onovo from Akegbe Ugwu (Okwuo), extolled the public life and philantropy of Sir Chinyeaka, and prayed that God and the good people of Enugu State would vote for his victory in the 2027 governorship election. They recalled the hundreds of people of Awkunanaw clan and beyond who have been lifted by his philantropy, and how he single-handedly built the magnificient Akpasha town hall, the meeting venue of the Awkunanaw clan.
“The significance of the event,” according to the eldest man in the clan who presided over the ceremony, “is that the ‘Ofo’ provides a spiritual shield, acting as a direct link to the ancestors and God, serving as spiritual licence that justifies the warrior’s cause”
Chief Mark Ngene, a 98 year old former Director in Enugu state Local Government System, and a leading voice in Awkunanaw Clan, said, “Sir Chinyeaka’s public service record presents him as the people’s warrior and a trusted son of Igbo land who, as he goes to battle, is, today, the 19th day of August, 2026, presented with an ‘Ofo’ staff which serves as a sacred act of spiritual arming, devine endorsement rooted in a ]covenant of truth and an impending overwhelming victory in the 2027 governorship election”
Speaking after recieving the ‘Ofo,’ Sir Chinyeaka thanked the elders, the Awkunanaw people, NDC candidates and supporters, who graced the occassion. He said, “What you just witnessed, today, the 19th day of August 2026, marking the commencement of electioneering campaign for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections, is the gifting of the victory baton, traditionally called, ‘Ofo,’ in Igbo land, given to my humble self by the Awkunanaw clan, led by the Council of Elders, the traditional ‘Ofo’ custodians, ‘aka ji ‘Ofo,’ of the 22 autonomous communities of the clan.
‘Ofo’ is imbued with authority over adversaries and enables the holder to triumph over obstacles and or challenges. I recall that on this ground where I am standing, stood His Excellency Jim Nwobodo in 1979 during the build-up to the then Anambra State governorship election, and recieved this same sacred ‘Ofo’ from the elders of Awkunanaw clan. He, subsequently, won the governorship election. Similarly, in 2005, on this same spot, this same ‘Ofo’ was given to Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani when he contested the position of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he, too, won.”
Concluding, he said, “With this ‘Ofo,’ I am now fully prepared to go for the 2027 governorship election in Enugu state and win seamlessly to the glory of God.”
Several NDC chieftains and candidates in the 2027 election attended the ceremony. They included the deputy governorship candidate, Chief Frank Omeje, Enugu West Senatorial candidate, Chief Chinedu Ene. Others were House of Representatives candidates: Awgu/Aninri/Oji River, Dr. John Nwokeabia, Nsukka/Igboeze South, Dr. Hilary Onyishi (Ikemba), Nkanu West/Nkanu East, Hon. El shaddai Chinemerem Ike, Igbo Etiti/Uzouwani, Barr. Fide Ani. House of Assembly candidate for Enugu South Urban constituency, Mrs Ngozi Agbo, was also present.
Other NDC Chieftains present were Barr. Emeka Okeke, former Enugu State Commissioner for Chieftaincy Matters, Chief Kentus Eze, former SPA to Governor Ugwuanyi, Chief Emeka Madu, former member Enugu state House of Assembly, Chief Hycinth Ngwu, former APC Chieftain and Director, FAAN, Dr Vincent Obeta, former MD NEWMAP, Dr. Anthony Okenwa-Ani, former Chairman, Nkanu Local Government, and a host of others.
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