Politics
June 12: IBB’s regrets annulling MKO Abiola’s victory belated – Afenifere
In the concluding section of the 12th chapter of his autobiography launched Thursday in Abuja, titled, ‘A Journey In Service,’ the former leader described the annulment of the election as an “accident of history.”
His remorse, however, attracted knocks and reactions from various individuals and pro-democracy groups, including the Afenifere, Coalition of Northern Groups, former Ogun State governor, Segun Osoba, Mike Ozhekome (SAN), and other prominent Nigerians.
However, the Abiola family was silent on IBB’s admission. Calls to Abiola’s children, including Hafsat and others, did not elicit any response.
The June 12, 1993, election, won by the businessman and politician, Abiola, was considered Nigeria’s freest and fairest.
However, Babangida annulled the results, citing concerns over national security.
The annulment sparked nationwide protests and political unrest, forcing Babangida to resign and leading to a prolonged struggle for democracy before the return to civilian rule in 1999.
Admitting his error, the ex-military leader said, “Although I am on record to have stated after the election that Abiola may not have won the election, upon deeper reflection and a closer examination of all the available facts, particularly the detailed election results…there was no doubt that MKO Abiola won the June 12 election.
“Upon closer examination of the original collated figures from the 110,000 polling booths nationwide, it was clear that he satisfied the two main constitutional requirements for winning the presidential elections, mainly majority votes and geographical spread, having obtained 8,128,720 votes against Tofa’s 5,848,247 votes and securing the mandatory one-third of the votes cast in 28 states of the federation, including Abuja.”
Nonetheless, Babangida noted that Abiola would have been eliminated all the same had he assumed the Presidency.
“Unfortunately, the forces gathered against him after the June 12 elections were so formidable that I was convinced that if he became President, he would be quickly eliminated by the same very forces who pretended to be his friends,” he added.
Speaking at the official launch of his autobiography and fundraiser for the IBB Presidential Library in Abuja, Babangida acknowledged that credible, free and fair elections occurred on June 12, 1993.
He observed, however, that the administration responsible for creating a near-perfect electoral system and overseeing those exemplary elections could not finalise the process.
He described this shortfall as a lamentable “accident of history” while noting that the nation was justifiably owed an expression of his remorse.
“Undoubtedly credible, free and fair elections were held in June, on June 12, 1993. However, the tragic irony of history remains that the administration that devised a near-perfect electoral system and conducted those near-perfect elections could not complete the process.
“That accident of history is most regrettable. The nation is entitled to expect my impression of regret,” said Babangida.
Accepting full responsibility for all decisions made during his leadership of the military government, the former Nigerian leader further noted that the events of June 12 unfolded on his watch, with errors, oversights and misjudgements occurring rapidly.
Nevertheless, he maintained that each action was taken in the overriding interest of Nigeria’s survival.
He also expressed regret that the country’s democratic progress was interrupted, yet emphasised that both Nigeria and its democracy endure.
“As a leader of the military administration, I accept full responsibility for all decisions taken under my watch. And June 12 happened under my watch; mistakes, oversights and missteps happened in quick succession, but I say in my book, in all matters, we acted in the supreme national interest so that Nigeria could survive.
“Our nation’s march to democracy was interrupted, a fact I deeply regret. But Nigeria’s democracy is still alive, a testament to commitment,” he noted.
While reviewing the book, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo revealed that Babangida found the 1993 election arguably the most challenging chapter of his life.
“The June 12 elections were the most challenging of my life. If I have to do it all over again, I’ll do it differently,” Osinbajo said, quoting a section from the book.
The former vice president also quoted Babangida in the book as thanking former President Muhammadu Buhari for honouring MKO Abiola with the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic, the highest rank of the president of the country.
The book, which offers insights into key moments in the country’s history, also addresses other national controversies, including the 1976 coup attempt that led to the assassination of then-Head of State, Murtala Muhammed, and the 1986 letter bomb that killed investigative journalist, Dele Giwa.
While denying any involvement in Dele Giwa’s death, Babangida said he expected the truth to be unravelled one day.
He said, “The Giwa, like all mysterious murders, has remained unsolved after so many years. I keep hoping it will be uncovered in our lifetime or after us. More often than not, mysterious crimes are solved long after their commission.
“When the Obasanjo civilian administration reopened the Giwa case at the Oputa Panel on Human and Civil Rights, I expected that the police and lawyers would come forward with new evidence as to their findings on the Giwa murder over the years. Nothing of such happened.”
The IBB book launch drew an elite gathering of past and present leaders who reflected on his legacy and the state of democracy in West Africa.
Discussions ranged from Babangida’s contributions to Nigeria’s political history to concerns over the resurgence of military coups in the region.
In his keynote address, former Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo emphasised the importance of multi-party democracy in Africa’s development.
He warned against the growing wave of military takeovers, calling them a setback to democratic progress.
“Multiple parties are good for our continent,” Akufo-Addo said, urging leaders to protect democratic institutions.
President Bola Tinubu praised the former leader for his “unparalleled contributions to national unity and economic growth.”
Tinubu pledged, as President, to continue making decisions—no matter how difficult—in the supreme interest of the nation, following the example set by Babangida.
“I’m glad about the revelation on June 12…I’m not here to read a speech; I’m here to pay homage and say thank you for everything, for who you are, what you are, and what you have contributed to the history of this great country.
“All I can promise as the President is to strive to do the best, put the best forward, and make decisions, no matter how difficult they are, in the interest of the country.
“You have done so, and you have laid the example. Thank you very much,” he stated.
Former Nigerian Head of State, Gen Yakubu Gowon (retd.), lauded Babangida’s rise from aide-de-camp to head of state, describing him as a “boss of bosses.”
Gowon also expressed gratitude for Babangida’s decision to restore his rank of General after it was stripped following the 1976 coup.
The former head of state said, “Thank you for restoring my rank,” reflecting on how Babangida’s leadership impacted his life.
Another former military head of state, Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar, shared personal anecdotes about his long-standing relationship with Babangida which, he said, spans over 80 years.
Abubakar recalled a childhood prophecy foretold Babangida’s rise to power and commended him for documenting his life’s journey.
“Your memoir will enrich the country,” he stated.
For his part, former President Goodluck Jonathan described Babangida as one of Nigeria’s most charismatic leaders and called for the creation of presidential libraries to preserve the country’s political history.
“IBB brought us here today to celebrate his book and library. His home has become somewhat of a pilgrimage site,” Jonathan noted.
Representing immediate-past President Muhammadu Buhari, ex-Minister of Transportation, Jaji Sambo, delivered a congratulatory message, expressing hope that Babangida would continue offering valuable counsel to Nigeria’s leadership.
Reacting to IBB’s admission on the June 12, 1993 election, the pan-Yoruba political organisation, Afenifere, described it as belated and insufficient to address its far-reaching consequences.
In a statement by its Organising Secretary, Kole Omololu, the group asserted that Babangida’s acknowledgement of the election’s credibility did not absolve him or his associates of the monumental and irreversible damage caused by the annulment.
“His belated acknowledgement that the election was indisputably free, fair, and credible merely reaffirms what Nigerians have known for over three decades—that Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola was the rightful winner of that historic election,” Omololu said.
“It does not restore the lives lost, nor does it atone for the enduring scars of oppression, bloodshed, and the suppression of democracy. The consequences of that reckless annulment remain irreversible.
“The Yoruba nation, and indeed all Nigerians, bore the brunt of Babangida’s self-serving power grab. His decision plunged the country into chaos and ushered in an era of state-sponsored terror against democracy activists, pro-democracy media, and innocent citizens who dared to demand justice,” it stated.
The group pointed to the monumental consequences of IBB’s annulment, including the assassination of Kudirat Abiola, the cold-blooded murder of Alfred Rewane, and the relentless persecution of Pa Abraham Adesanya, among others, which it said, remained an indelible stain on Nigeria’s conscience.
“Many distinguished Yoruba sons and daughters suffered grave injustices—exiled, imprisoned, or tragically eliminated—under the despotic military regimes of Babangida and Abacha, which were determined to silence the will of the people,” it added.
Afenifere reiterated its demand that all privileges and recognitions befitting a legitimately elected President be conferred on the late MKO Abiola.9
The group also emphasised that his family should be accorded the honour and recognition deserved by a leader whose mandate was unjustly stolen.
“We reiterate our unequivocal demand that his (Abiola’s) name must be inscribed in the annals of Nigeria’s history, not as a mere political casualty but as the rightful President-elect who was denied the opportunity to serve.
“Anything short of this remains a continued affront to justice and historical truth.
“Afenifere salutes MKO Abiola as a towering symbol of courage, a visionary whose unwavering commitment to democracy was matched only by his willingness to make the ultimate sacrifice for the emancipation of his people.
“Babangida’s so-called remorse rings hollow, for true atonement is measured not by words but by actions. His admission, far from being redemptive, serves only as a reminder of the grievous wrongs that remain unaddressed,” Afenifere said.
A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief Olu Falae, waived off IBB’s remorse, stating that he said nothing new.
Falae, who recalled how he was incarcerated for two years for fighting to uphold Abiola’s mandate, stated, “We formed NADECO to fight for the fact that Abiola won the election and should be declared president. I was detained for two years for fighting that cause.
“We gave the military an ultimatum to hand over Abiola’s mandate, but they started arresting us. I was kept in detention for two years. What he said is nothing new—we have always known and believed that Abiola won the election.”
A chieftain of the National Democratic Coalition, Ayo Opadokun, also dismissed the ex-Nigerian leader’s admission, describing it as unsurprising.
According to Opadokun, it was already evident to him and many Nigerians that Abiola won the election.
Speaking on the consequences of Babangida’s decision, Opadokun said he was more interested in reading Babangida’s autobiography to understand the circumstances the former president claimed led to the annulment of the historic election.
“The fact that he admitted that Abiola won the election does not bring any new revelation. We had the documents immediately after the election; we knew that Abiola won,” Opadokun said.
“What matters now is the context of his admission. I want to read the book and see what Babangida is admitting and in what context. I watched him express regret over annulling the election, but that no longer holds any significance to me because of the monumental consequences of his actions, consequences that he is now regretting 32 years later,” he noted.
But the Coalition of Northern Groups praised the former military leader for having the courage to own up to his faults over the annulment of the June 12 presidential election.
The CNG, in a statement by its National Coordinator, Jamilu Charanchi, described Babangida as an exemplary leader who distinguished himself by taking responsibility for his decision.
“It clearly shows that IBB is an exemplary leader who distinguished himself from so-called leaders who shy away from taking responsibility for decisions made by their cabinet,” Charanchi said.
He also noted that Babangida’s statement reaffirmed his commitment to the unity and progress of the country.
Charanchi said, “It clearly shows that IBB is an exemplary leader who distinguished himself from the so-called leaders that shy away from taking responsibility for the decisions taken by their cabinet.
“It equally reaffirms his commitment to the unity and progress of the country, and we believe that they took the decision for the best interest of the country, he is a true and patriotic leader who leads with a philosophy of messengers of God.”
Former governor of Ogun State, Osoba, said Abiola would be “laughing his head off in heaven” following the confession by the former military president.
Osoba said he had always been a firm believer that time heals every situation.
He said, “Time is healing the wounds of the situation created by the military regime. On my part, I keep thanking God for the life of MKO Abiola whom I work for to win the June 12 election. Even the man himself will be happy in heaven now.
“He has left a legacy by paying the supreme price for the democracy we are enjoying today. So what is more important to me is the legacy he left behind.”
On whether he is certain time will indeed heal all the anger, trauma and deaths recorded in the wake of the annulment, Osoba responded, “I am not a prophet. I should not be guessing for anybody (on how they feel). As far as I am concerned, God is working His wonders.
“You know we were all friends. All of us, including Babangida, myself, MKO Abiola and those who were involved in the whole thing. We were all deeply close. So, as I said, MKO will be in heaven laughing at all of us and enjoying the whole thing.”
Former Governor of Plateau State, Jonah Jang, commended Babangida for admitting that Abiola won the election and expressing regrets for annulling it.
In an interview in Jos, on Thursday, Jang praised Babangida’s honesty, stating, “I want to thank Babangida for owning up to that fact of what he did and it shows we are making progress as a country where we can tell ourselves the truth.”
Jang believed Babangida’s admission would help heal old wounds, saying, “I believe that will finally close some wounds that have long been open.”
The former governor also emphasised that the government should provide adequate compensation to the family of MKO Abiola, considering the government’s continuity.
“Since the government is a continuum, the MKO family should be adequately compensated,” Jang, who spoke through his Media Consultant, Clinton Garuba, said.
Speaking on the development, Ozekhome (SAN), said, I have read and listened carefully to General Ibrahim Gbadamosi Babangida’s remorse and regret over the annulment of the 1993 presidential elections.
“I want to very quickly say that it takes a man with strong guts and a man who has become born again and has seen the face of God to publicly recount his earlier deed and offer apologies to the entire nation to heal and mend wounded hearts.
“I want to salute Babangida for owning up like a man that everything that happened during the June 12 crisis happened under him as the head of state and the president. He was also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces.
“I salute him for acknowledging that his government held unarguably the freest, fairest and most credible election in the electoral calendar in the electoral history of Nigeria which introduced option A4 from electoral books that were never known to Nigeria or the world.
“I believe that Nigerians should forgive him because to err is human and to forgive is divine. I personally have now forgiven him, because the June 12 crisis threw up all manner of challenges where, in my very youth, in my thirties, I found myself marching on the street of Lagos every day from Ikeja bus stop roundabout to Ikorodu road, up to Tejuosho market from there to Surulere to Mushin to Shomolu. Every day we were on the streets protesting the annulment.”
Another Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Wahab Shittu, welcomed the public expression of regret by the former military leader, saying it was a necessary admission that a grave injustice had been done to the Nigerian nation.
“That is an admission that, at some point in time, a wrong was committed against the Nigerian nation, against our democracy. Having expressed his regret, he should be forgiven, and the Abiola family should be compensated,” Shittu said.
A former President of the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights, Malachy Ugwummadu, said Babangida’s regret over the June 12 annulment “was good for the health and sanity of the country to find closure.”
He expressed concerns over the narrative presented in the book and the General’s apology, saying it was a failed attempt to rewrite the history of Nigeria.
At the book presentation, the President and Chief Executive of Dangote Industries Limited, Aliko Dangote, praised Babangida for implementing policies that liberated the private sector in Nigeria during his regime.
Africa’s wealthiest man donated N8bn to the IBB Presidential Library, to be paid at N2bn annually over the four years allocated for the project’s completion.
He further pledged that if the project extends beyond this timeframe, he would continue to donate N2bn annually until it is finished.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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