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It’s a strange judgement, LP Legal Adviser, Atiku, Obi head to Supreme Court 

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•Atiku, Obi’s rigging allegations not proved, e-transmission not compulsory, says PEPT
•It is victory for democracy, Tinubu, APC hail judgment, LP, Atiku fume, fault tribunalThe presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, Atiku Abubakar, and his Labour Party counterpart, Peter Obi, have rejected Wednesday’s judgment of the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal affirming the election of President Bola Tinubu.

The Legal Adviser to the Labour Party, Kehinde Edun, vowed to challenge the judgment at the Supreme Court.

Also, Atiku’s Lead Counsel, Chris Uche,  SAN, said he had received instructions from his client to file an appeal at the Supreme Court.

He said “The judgment has been delivered but we have not received justice. Luckily, the law has given us leverage to go on appeal to the Supreme Court. We have instructions from our clients to go to the Supreme Court. The struggle continues.”

The PEPT which began sitting at 9.40am at the Court of Appeal, Abuja, ruled that the petition filed by Atiku and Obi and their parties had no merit and unanimously upheld Tinubu’s electoral victory in the February 25 presidential election.

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The five-member panel took turns to dismiss the petitions presented by Atiku and Obi against the declaration of Tinubu as the winner of the presidential election by the Independent National Electoral Commission on March 1, 2023.

The judgment was delivered by the Chairman of the tribunal, Justice Haruna Tsammani, assisted by other members of the panel-Justices Stephen Adah, Monsurat Bolaji-Yusuf, Moses Ugo and Abba Mohammed.

Delivering the death knell to Atiku’s petition on Wednesday night, Tsammani stated, “This petition accordingly lacks merit. I affirm the return of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the duly elected President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The parties are to bear their cost.”⁣

The National Legal Adviser of the LP, Edun, expressed disappointment with the judgment, stressing that the tribunal was unfair to reject 10 of their 13 witnesses, adding that the decision weakened their case.

Edun said, “We already had a premonition that this might happen. For example, where the court was saying the statements of some key witnesses should have been filed along with the petitions. How can that be? Subpoena is an order of court by which the court has compelled a witness to come and give evidence before or as of the time you are filing the petition.

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‘’This is because I have not assumed jurisdiction, the tribunal has also not assumed jurisdiction.  We are just filing. It is only after filing that the court assumes jurisdiction, not before. So how can you file a witness statement at the time of filing the petition? It is when the court signs the subpoena.”

He explained, ‘’That subpoena is an invitation to the person indicating that the court has given him an order to come and give evidence. So, if the court has not ordered the person, how can he give any statement?

‘’This is why I said the judgment is so strange. And it is on the basis that they knocked out the evidence of 10 of our 13 witnesses, which inevitably weakened our case. It is a strange judgment.”

On the next point of action for the party, the legal adviser disclosed that the apex court will be the final arbiter.

“There are some filings that are unacceptable to us. So we need to see what the apex court has to say to this. We have to address this, not only for today, but for the sake of our jurisprudence. We want to see what the judges at the Supreme Court will say about all these. It is so important to do this for the sake of tomorrow.”

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Delivering judgment earlier on Obi and LP’s petition marked CA/PEPC/03/2023, Tsammani said the petitioners failed to prove the allegations in their petition as required by the law and went ahead to knock off the planks of the case one after the other.

The tribunal held that although the petitioners alleged that the election was marred by irregularities, they, however, failed to give specific details of where the alleged infractions took place.

The court noted that whereas Obi and the LP insisted that the election was rigged in 18, 088 polling units across the federation, they were unable to state the locations of the said polling units.

In the verdict that was read for five hours, the tribunal further held that Obi’s allegation that fictitious results were recorded for the Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress by the Independent National Electoral Commission was not proved.

Moreso, it pointed out that the petitioners were unable to state the figures they claimed were reduced from the election results they garnered in different states of the federation, especially in Ondo, Oyo, Rivers, Yobe, Borno, Tabara, Osun and Lagos States.

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It added that the petitioners equally failed to state the polling units where over-voting occurred or the exact figures of unlawful votes that were credited to Tinubu by the INEC.

It stressed that though Obi and LP said they would rely on spreadsheets as well as forensic reports and expert analysis of their expert witnesses, they failed to attach the documents to the petition or serve the same on the respondents as required by the law.

The court stated that though the petition contained serious allegations that bordered on violence, non-voting, suppression of votes, fictitious entry of election results and corrupt practices, Obi and his party, however, failed to give particulars of specific polling units where the incidents took place.

It held that several portions of the petition that contained the allegations were “vague, imprecise, nebulous and bereft of particular materials.”

Therefore, the court struck out paragraphs 9, 60, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 77, 78, 83 and 89 of the petition.

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“They failed to state the number of votes affected and the number of people disenfranchised. The determination of the election is about figures,” Justice Mohammed declared.

He further stated, “It is unimaginable that a petitioner will allege widespread rigging in 176,000 polling units, over 8,000 wards, 774 LGAs, 36 states and FCT without stating the specific place where the alleged irregularities occur.

“The law is very clear that where someone alleged irregularities in a particular polling unit, such person must prove the particular irregularities in that polling unit for him to succeed in his petition.

“Labour Party made generic allegations of irregularities and said they would rely on spreadsheets, inspection reports, and forensic analysis but the documents promised by the petitioners were not attached to the petition.”

Obi nomination validated

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Nevertheless, the court dismissed the contention of the respondents-Tinubu and the APC-that Obi was not validly nominated by the LP to contest the presidential election.

It noted that the respondents had argued that Obi left the PDP on May 24, 2022 and joined the LP on May 27, 2022.

The respondents in its petition claimed that as of May 30, 2022, Obi was not a valid member of the LP and could not have duly participated in its presidential primary election.

They insisted that his name could not have been contained in the membership register of the LP, which ought to be submitted to INEC 30 days before the primary election was held.

However, the court held that the issue of membership is an internal affair of a political party, which is not justiciable.

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It maintained that only the LP has the prerogative of determining its members, adding that the respondents were bereft of the legal authority to query Obi’s membership of the LP.

Likewise, the court held that contrary to contention by Tinubu and the APC, the petitioners were not under any obligation to join Atiku who came second in the election or his party, the PDP, in the case.

It noted that both Atiku and the PDP are not statutory respondents or necessary parties to the petition.

On the alleged $460,000 forfeiture made by Tinubu to the United States Government, Justice Tsammani said, “The petitioners have evidently failed to establish their allegation that the 2nd respondent is disqualified from contesting the presidential election under section 137 (1)(d) of the 1999 constitution because he was fined $460,000 by a district court in Illinois.

“The order of forfeiture in exhibit P5 on which the petitioners have relied does not qualify as a sentence of fine for an offence involving dishonesty or fraud within the formulation of section 137 (d) of the 1999 constitution.”

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25% FCT votes

On the interpretation of the 25 per cent votes cast in the Federal Capital Territory, Tsammani ruled that the interpretation of the constitution on the issue by the LP is “fallacious.”

According to him, sections 134 (1) and (2) of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (as amended) stipulate that a presidential candidate must attain or score a majority of votes cast in a presidential election, where two or more candidates are involved, and at least 25 per cent in two-thirds of the 36 states and the FCT to meet the constitutional requirement to be declared as duly elected as President of Nigeria.

“With due respect to counsel to the petitioners, their interpretation of the provision of the constitution as regards the 25 per cent in Abuja is fallacious if not completely ludicrous,” the jurist affirmed, stressing that there is equality of rights irrespective of which part of the country voters prefer to live.

Puncturing Obi’s claims, Tsammani added, “The futility and hollowness in the arguments of the petitioners that the votes of the voters in the FCT have more weight than others in other parts of the country to the extent that their votes purportedly have a greater effect on other votes is null and void.”

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Meanwhile, the tribunal has said it is not mandatory for the INEC to transmit election results electronically, adding that INEC is at liberty to define the mode it intends to use.

It emphasised that the sole technological requirement mandated for use by the commission during elections is the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System.

“By the provision of section 52 and section 65 of the Electoral Act, INEC is at liberty to prescribe the manner in which results can be transmitted. INEC cannot be compelled to electronically transmit results,” the court held.

The tribunal rejected the European Union Election Observers Mission report on the February 25 presidential election on by Peter Obi and the Labour Party.

The court said it rejected the report on the grounds that it was not tendered by an official of the body which is the author and has custody of the document.

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The tribunal similarly dismissed allegations of non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 filed against Tinubu’s election by Atiku and the PDP.

Justice Adah said the petitioners failed to substantiate their claim that the election did not comply with the provisions of sections 134 and 135 of the Electoral Act.

He said, “There has to be sufficient grounds before the petitioners can establish that there was no substantial compliance with the Electoral Act in the conduct of the election. The petitioners have in their petition listed some of the facts relating to their complaints of non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2022.

‘’The key facts are in paragraphs 18, 22, 23,, 25, 28, 29, 35,  36, 37, 38, 39, 40-44, 46 and 48 of the petition. The respondents have issues with the petitioners in respect of this issue and they all denied the facts pleaded by the petitioners.

“In paragraphs 17, 18, 19, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36 and 37, the first respondent, the Independent National Electoral Commission replied to the petition and denied all the allegations in the petition. The verdict of proof remains on the petitioners to establish their claim as required by the law.

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‘’Apart from the first respondent who is the primary respondent due to the fact that it is its acts that are challenged in this petition, the second and third respondents who are the beneficiaries  of the declaration of the result, vary issues with the petitioners.

He added, “The second respondent in his reply to the petition countered all the petitions pleaded in the case of the issue. The third respondents countered the petitioners’ allegations in paragraphs 36, 37 and 40 in his reply to the petition.

“Non-compliance means failure to or refusal to do something that you are officially or statutorily required to do. The Electoral Act 2022 in an explicit manner has laid clear ground on which election can be questioned in section 134 thereof and section 135 which looks like a provision to section 134.

“For proper appreciation of the intention of the law, sections 134 and 135 of the Electoral Act must be considered together.”

Electoral Act sections

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Section 134 (1) says that an election may be questioned on any of the following grounds-A person whose election is questioned was, at the time of the election, not qualified to contest the election; the election was invalid by reason of corrupt practices or non-compliance with the provisions of this Act.

“And 135 (1) says “An election shall not be liable to be invalidated by reason of non-compliance with the provisions of this Act if it appears to the Election Tribunal or Court that the election was conducted substantially in accordance with the principles of this Act and that the non-compliance did not affect substantially the result of the election.”

That said, Justice Adah further held that “This ground of non-compliance with the Electoral Act has been in all our election laws even when we had a parliamentary system of government.”

Adah, who read the ruling on objections against the petition, expunged several documents tendered by Atiku on the grounds that the exhibits were made during the pendency of the petition.⁣

The tribunal equally expunged from the court’s records several key witnesses presented by Atiku for having been made in manners not known to law.⁣

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It held that the wrongful mode adopted by the Adamawa-born presidential candidate in the construction of the petition made several paragraphs liable for expunging due to lack of merit.⁣

The court went further to strike out some portions of the reply filed by Atiku and his party, including the part where they accused Tinubu of having dual citizenship.

It also rejected the aspect where the petitioners claimed Tinubu was not qualified on the grounds of alleged criminal conviction and criminal forfeiture in the US.

The court held that the information contained in the reply was an attempt to smuggle in fresh evidence to cover for the information they failed to provide in their petition in support of their claim that Tinubu was not qualified.

It declared that the two witnesses’ statements and other documents filed along with the reply were inadmissible.

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Delivering judgment in some objections argued by Tinubu’s lead counsel, Wole Olanipekun SAN, Justice  Ugoh averred that several parts of Atiku’s petition could neither stand nor survive, hence, is incompetent.⁣

In a similar judgement pronounced on Obi’s petition, the court stated that the former vice president failed to provide several facts fundamentally required to support his petition.⁣

It said the PDP candidate failed to name the places where ballot boxes were snatched, the ways and manners the BVAS machines were manipulated, and specific polling units where the alleged malpractices happened.⁣

Atiku, who claimed to have polled the majority of lawful votes, was said to have failed to state in strong terms, the total lawful votes he claimed to have scored.⁣

Though the former VP alleged that Tinubu did not score the majority of lawful votes, the court said he failed to reveal the perceived lawful votes in his petition to the tribunal.⁣

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The panel recalled that the petitioner made grievous allegations against Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State and the Chairman of Olamaboro Local Government Area of Kogi, Friday Adejoh, but he neglected to join them as respondents in his petition.⁣

Justice Ugoh held that the failure to join the governor who was accused of electoral fraud obstructed the petition because the governor was denied the opportunity to defend himself as required by law.⁣

Therefore, the justice dismissed the allegations of over-voting nationwide by the petitioner saying such pleadings run foul of the law because he failed to mention the specific locations where the alleged over-voting took place.⁣

Atiku’s petition was also faulted for introducing several facts and allegations in unlawful ways that caught the respondents unaware, adding that the tactic employed was unfair and made him clever by half.⁣

Amongst the new facts he was said to have wrongfully introduced were the allegations of certificate forgery, criminal conviction, and dual citizenship of Guinea made against Tinubu outside the mode of filing a petition.⁣

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Politics

2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

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A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.

Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.

He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.

Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.

“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.

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“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?

“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.

Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?

According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?

Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”

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He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.

“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.

“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.

“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.

According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.

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“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.

Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.

He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.

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2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

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By PETRUS OBI

Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.

It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.

At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.

Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?

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Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.

Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.

His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.

Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.

Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.

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The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.

More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.

That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?

The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.

Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.

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He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.

That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.

The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.

In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.

Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.

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That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.

The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.

Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.

There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.

Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.

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Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.

With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.

More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.

The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.

But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.

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Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.

That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.

The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.

Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.

If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.

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He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.

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2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

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The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has explained why he could not have served as Director-General of President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 Presidential Campaign Council, saying he is not a member of the All Progressives Congress and does not want to risk losing his states.

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.

Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.

According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.

“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.

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“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.

“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!

“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”

Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.

“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.

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“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.

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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.

“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.

“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.

“So, we had our own strategies on how the president would emerge,” he said.
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Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.

“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.

Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.

“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.

“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.

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The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.

Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.

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Politics

Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

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By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

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Politics

Awkunanaw Clan gives ‘Ofo’ to their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, the NDC 2027 Enugu state Guber candidate

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Maduka University

The people of Awkunanaw clan comprising 22 autonomous communities that span Enugu South and Nkanu West Local Government Areas of Enugu state declared their total support for the governorship ambition of their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, who is the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, 2027 governorship candidate for Enugu state.

The elders and thousands of the people of these 22 communities namely, Omuoha, Amechi Obuoffia, Ndi Uno Obuoffia, Amangwu, Ndi Agu Obuoffia, Amegu Akegbe, Attakwu, Obeaghu, Akegbe Ugwu(Okwuo) Umuatugbuoma, Umueze, Amechi Uwani, Amechi Uno, Amechi, Ugwuaji, Obegu Ugwuaji, Akwuke, Akwuke Uwani, Amodu Okowo, Okpebe, Obeagu, and Obeagu Uno gathered in their ancestral home, Ihuani Okunano at Ndi Uno Obuoffia where they prayed and gave the traditional ‘Ofo’ to Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, endorsing him, and expressing their total support, for his 2027 governorship ambition.

The elders led by the oldest man in the clan, the 104 years-old Chief Emmanuel Agwa Onovo from Akegbe Ugwu (Okwuo), extolled the public life and philantropy of Sir Chinyeaka, and prayed that God and the good people of Enugu State would vote for his victory in the 2027 governorship election. They recalled the hundreds of people of Awkunanaw clan and beyond who have been lifted by his philantropy, and how he single-handedly built the magnificient Akpasha town hall, the meeting venue of the Awkunanaw clan.

“The significance of the event,” according to the eldest man in the clan who presided over the ceremony, “is that the ‘Ofo’ provides a spiritual shield, acting as a direct link to the ancestors and God, serving as spiritual licence that justifies the warrior’s cause”

Chief Mark Ngene, a 98 year old former Director in Enugu state Local Government System, and a leading voice in Awkunanaw Clan, said, “Sir Chinyeaka’s public service record presents him as the people’s warrior and a trusted son of Igbo land who, as he goes to battle, is, today, the 19th day of August, 2026, presented with an ‘Ofo’ staff which serves as a sacred act of spiritual arming, devine endorsement rooted in a ]covenant of truth and an impending overwhelming victory in the 2027 governorship election”

Speaking after recieving the ‘Ofo,’ Sir Chinyeaka thanked the elders, the Awkunanaw people, NDC candidates and supporters, who graced the occassion. He said, “What you just witnessed, today, the 19th day of August 2026, marking the commencement of electioneering campaign for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections, is the gifting of the victory baton, traditionally called, ‘Ofo,’ in Igbo land, given to my humble self by the Awkunanaw clan, led by the Council of Elders, the traditional ‘Ofo’ custodians, ‘aka ji ‘Ofo,’ of the 22 autonomous communities of the clan.
‘Ofo’ is imbued with authority over adversaries and enables the holder to triumph over obstacles and or challenges. I recall that on this ground where I am standing, stood His Excellency Jim Nwobodo in 1979 during the build-up to the then Anambra State governorship election, and recieved this same sacred ‘Ofo’ from the elders of Awkunanaw clan. He, subsequently, won the governorship election. Similarly, in 2005, on this same spot, this same ‘Ofo’ was given to Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani when he contested the position of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he, too, won.”

Concluding, he said, “With this ‘Ofo,’ I am now fully prepared to go for the 2027 governorship election in Enugu state and win seamlessly to the glory of God.”

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Several NDC chieftains and candidates in the 2027 election attended the ceremony. They included the deputy governorship candidate, Chief Frank Omeje, Enugu West Senatorial candidate, Chief Chinedu Ene. Others were House of Representatives candidates: Awgu/Aninri/Oji River, Dr. John Nwokeabia, Nsukka/Igboeze South, Dr. Hilary Onyishi (Ikemba), Nkanu West/Nkanu East, Hon. El shaddai Chinemerem Ike, Igbo Etiti/Uzouwani, Barr. Fide Ani. House of Assembly candidate for Enugu South Urban constituency, Mrs Ngozi Agbo, was also present.

Other NDC Chieftains present were Barr. Emeka Okeke, former Enugu State Commissioner for Chieftaincy Matters, Chief Kentus Eze, former SPA to Governor Ugwuanyi, Chief Emeka Madu, former member Enugu state House of Assembly, Chief Hycinth Ngwu, former APC Chieftain and Director, FAAN, Dr Vincent Obeta, former MD NEWMAP, Dr. Anthony Okenwa-Ani, former Chairman, Nkanu Local Government, and a host of others.

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