Politics
IPOB: Panic in S’East, S’South over military clampdown
There is palpable tension and fear in South-East and South-South states following plans by the Federal Government to deploy more military assets, including troops, intelligence personnel and the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) in the areas.
Already, a clampdown is ongoing, targeted at pro-Biafra groups there including newspaper distributors and vendors selling published materials on Biafra.
The two regions, had, in recent weeks, come under attack by armed groups, who killed policemen as well as burnt police stations and correctional facilities in Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Imo, Enugu, Akwa Ibom and Rivers States.
Imo has been the worst hit, as security forces have been combing the communities in search of members of the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) and its vigilante outfit, Eastern Security Network (ESN). ESN commander, Kanayo Nwokike (Ikonso) was recently ‘neutralized’ by security forces in his community, Awomamma in Oru East, Imo State, while joint security operations continued in the Orlu axis of the state.
Residents have been severely traumatized by the heavy presence of the military there even as private homes had been invaded. In fact, the home of Awurum Eze, who according to the army was the second in command to the slain ESN commander, Ikonso, was recently burnt down in Mbano, Imo State by troops before his eventual arrest in Aba, Abia State.
IPOB has since denied that Eze was its member, much less a commander of the ESN.
Security challenges in the two zones have attracted the attention of the National Security Council at its series of meetings held in Abuja and chaired by President Muhammadu Buhari.
Saturday Sun gathered that one of the decisions at the meeting last Tuesday, was a fresh ultimatum of three weeks given by the council to the security chiefs to check the rising insecurity in the country.
The council also announced that a new security strategy to contain violence in the two zones would be devised.
As part of the undisclosed security strategy for the two regions, the Inspector-General of Police, Alkali Usman, had in a wireless message with reference CB: 0900/DTS/DOPS/VOL.47/812X, titled “Attack on policemen, snatching of rifles by IPOB” warned police officers and personnel not to accompany their principals to Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Abia, Enugu, Imo and Rivers States until the security situation in the region improves.
But, it was learnt that security authorities were concluding plans for a massive troop and security assets deployment in the two zones to restore order.
A similar deployment in the two zones under the former Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai (rtd), was codenamed Operation Python Dance in the South-East and Operation Crocodile Smile in the South-South and South-West, respectively.
A highly dependable top security source told Saturday Sun that the new security strategy for the two regions was aimed at neutralizing armed groups as a disincentive to further violence in the two regions.
Anguish in Owerri, Imo-Anambra boundary
The South East zone is presently bearing the fangs of the Federal Government in its fight against insecurity in the country.
In Imo, some innocent citizens have reportedly paid the price with their lives as the clampdown on the purported ‘unknown gunmen’ continued in the zone. A businessman and a first year student of the Imo State University are two known examples.
Still in Imo, vendors and some journalists in the state, including the Sales Representative of The New Telegraph newspaper, Chuks Ugwuoke, were arrested for allegedly propagating the Biafra and IPOB.
Ugwuoke was arrested and detained for being in possession of pamphlets from the stable of pro-Biafra activists. He has since been released, but media practitioners in the state expressed fears that if the matter was not addressed, the situation might lead to endangering press freedom.
Condemning the clampdown on vendors and journalists in particular, the Coalition of South East Igbo Youth Leaders (COSEYL), said such was a coup against democracy.
President General of the group, Goodluck Ibem, described the attack as a travesty of the Nigerian Constitution that gives citizens right to life, freedom of speech and association.
“Even in a banana republic, journalists are respected. In times of war, journalists are permitted to perform their legitimate duties. Now why is the army arresting and torturing journalists and vendors in Imo? Are they arresting and torturing them because they are Igbos? What reason are the army giving for arresting and torturing journalists?
“In recent times, Igbo youths have been used for target practice by the military in Imo State. A young businessman by name Noel Chigbu and a first year law student of Imo State University, Divine Nwaneri, were recently killed for no just reason.
“As representatives of the youths in the South East, we demand a halt to the wanton arrest of journalists, vendors and unlawful, barbaric and wicked killings of Igbo youths. It appears that the army is only efficient when they are deployed to South East zone.
“In South East, the right to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness as enshrined in the Nigerian constitution are threatened by hate, conspiracies and lies,” Ibem stated.
Chairman of the Correspondents’ chapel of Nigeria Union of Journalists in Imo, Chris Njoku of The Nation newspaper, who spoke jointly with the South East Bureau Chief of the New Telegraph newspaper – Steve Uzoechi, had decried the harassment, intimidation arrest and detention of some newspaper distributors, sales representatives and circulation staff by the police and called for its immediate stoppage in order not to stifle information dissemination by journalists.
Our investigation further showed that travelling from one state to another has also become a nightmare, as soldiers, who mount roadblocks at strategic interstate boundaries, subject travellers to tortuous experiences.
The military roadblock at the boundary between Akokwa in Ideato North Local Government Area of Imo State, and Uga community in Aguata Local Government Area of Anambra State, has been a frightening point to those on that route for whatever reason.
Those crossing the area are made to come down from whatever means of transportation they use, and move on foot, raising their hands up before walking through.
A resident of Akokwa community, who gave his name as Izuchukwu Ikezuagu, who claimed his house is close to the military checkpoint, told Saturday Sun: “Before now, it used to be a police checkpoint. But after a confrontation between the police and some citizens of the area that led to the setting of police patrol van on fire at the place, soldiers took over the checkpoint.
“Since then, I always see people complaining about the behaviour of soldiers at the checkpoint. Then, one day, when I was travelling from Akokwa to Uga on my motorcycle, I had a similar experience. I was actually taking some commodities to Oye Uga Market for sale when I was stopped at the checkpoint by soldiers. I was made to push the motorcycle with the heavy load on it till I was able to cross the checkpoint,” he narrated.
He said since he had that experience, it had become difficult for him to take his commodities to Oye Uga for sale, as it could be hellish.
Women, who have shops both at the Uga and Akokwa areas, who also shared their experiences with our reporter, including Eugenia Ikenga, Uzoyibo Udechukwu, Ngozi Ibe and Anthonia Anah, said doing businesses at the area had become unbearable, as people, especially young men, coming from either community to patronize them were either arrested, tortured on baseless grounds or made to go back.
Meanwhile, the Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the Aligbo Development Foundation (ADF) and other prominent Igbo groups, have warned the Federal Government to avoid indiscriminate shooting of Igbo youths.
They said the pattern of deployment of northern military officers to the South-East supported the intelligence report that Igboland would be ruthlessly dealt with by the soldiers.
The apex Igbo organization was disturbed that the Nigerian army had posted Northern Muslims as commanders over its operations and brigades in Anambra, Imo, Abia, Akwa Ibom, Enugu, Benue, Edo, Delta and Rivers.
It asked the Federal Government to refrain from the use of force in resolving the present national crises.
President General of Ohanaeze, George Obiozor said: “In Anambra State, the Cantonment Commandant of the 302 Artillery Regiment, Onitsha, is Col Abdulsalam Abubakar Sambo, a Hausa-Fulani Muslim; while in Imo State, the Brigade Commander of 34 Brigade, Obinze, is Brig Gen Ibrahim Tukura, another northerner; in Abia State, the Brigade Commander of 14 Brigade, Ohafia, is Brig Gen M. Ibrahim, still, a northerner; while in Akwa Ibom State, the Brigade Commander of 2 Brigade, Uyo, is Brig Gen Faruk Mijinyawa, another northerner. This is truly worrisome.
He, then warned that using the military and violent means to solve the national question was bound to fail as it had never worked anywhere in history. Instead, it “leads to further national fractionalization, anarchy and eventual or inevitable disintegration, as in all empires or multi-national states or countries”.
In the same manner, a think-thank of Igbo intellectuals and professionals world over, Nzuko Umunna, within the week, dragged the Nigerian military authorities before the United Nations, Governments of the United States of America (USA), the United Kingdom (UK) and other leading nations.
The group said the recent purported ‘shoot-on-sight’ order by the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Ibrahim Attahiru to troops in the South East, was a declaration of war on the Igbo.
Its open letter to the Chief of Army Staff, said that last weekend’s movement of new batches of troops to the region, clearly confirmed its fears.
The letter signed by Dr. Ngozi Odumuko and Dr. Paschal Mbanefo, observed that the hush-hush manner the directive was given made its intent and purpose more ominous, adding that was why it had brought “this properly to your notice with the hope you will take peremptory action.
“We most respectfully urge you to use your good offices to intervene, as a matter of urgency, in this very critical matter to douse the tension and apprehension in the region arising from rumours and the expectation that the killings and unnecessary waste of human lives will escalate.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
No fewer than 10 state governors and former governors are actively working to replace incumbent senators ahead of the 2027 general elections, in what appears to be a sweeping political realignment reshaping Nigeria’s legislative landscape.
The sitting governors, whose tenure will expire by May 2027, are leveraging their control of party structures in their states to secure Senate tickets—largely through “consensus” arrangements.
At least 12 of Nigeria’s 36 incumbent governors are currently serving their second and final terms. Of that number, 10 will complete their constitutionally mandated eight years on May 29, 2027, setting the stage for a high-stakes political transition that is already unsettling party structures nationwide.
Eight of the affected governors are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Seyi Makinde of Oyo State belongs to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), while Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State is affiliated with the Peoples Democratic Party, contrary to earlier claims linking him to the Allied Peoples Movement.
Governors expected to complete their tenure in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Muhammadu Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa and Hope Uzodimma of Imo will also finish their second terms, their exit dates fall in January and February 2028, respectively, due to off-cycle elections. However, their extended timelines have not excluded them from early succession and Senate calculations.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu, during a meeting with the leadership of the National Assembly, rebuffed lobbying efforts by lawmakers seeking automatic return tickets ahead of the 2027 elections. Instead, he reaffirmed the authority of state governors over candidate selection in their respective states.
Sources familiar with the meeting revealed that senators had approached the President to seek assurances for automatic tickets.
“The meeting was to plead for automatic tickets, but the President insisted that governors, as party leaders in their states, must have a decisive say on who gets the ticket,” a source disclosed.
Less than 24 hours later, Tinubu convened another meeting with APC governors, where he reportedly gave them a free hand to conduct party primaries in accordance with the Electoral Act—either through consensus or direct primaries.
Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago confirmed this, stating that the President had effectively empowered governors to drive the primaries process.
Investigations across several states—including Yobe, Nasarawa, Adamawa, Ogun, Gombe, Bauchi, Kwara, and Imo—indicate a growing pattern in which party stakeholders endorse governors or their preferred candidates as sole contenders. In many cases, rivals are pressured to step aside, while primaries are either avoided or reduced to mere formalities.
In Yobe State, Senator Musa Mustapha (Yobe East) stepped aside to support Governor Mai Mala Buni after a stakeholders’ meeting in Damaturu. He also withdrew from the governorship race, pledging full loyalty to party leadership decisions.
Similarly, in Gombe State, former governor and Senator Danjuma Goje lost his bid for a fifth term following a zoning arrangement favouring a candidate aligned with Governor Yahaya.
In Imo State, Governor Hope Uzodimma has been endorsed as the consensus candidate for Imo West, despite the interest of incumbent Senator Osita Izunaso. The move has triggered tension, with former governor Rochas Okorocha also entering the race.
In Ogun State, the consensus model has broken down into open conflict, as Governor Dapo Abiodun’s Senate ambition has put him at odds with incumbent Senator Gbenga Daniel.
In Adamawa, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri has emerged as the consensus candidate for Adamawa North, with the incumbent senator stepping aside in his favour.
Similar developments have been recorded in Nasarawa, Kwara, Delta, and Kogi states, where governors and former governors are positioning themselves to take over Senate seats—often displacing incumbents.
Meanwhile, in Cross River State, former governor Ben Ayade revealed he had been asked to drop his Senate ambition following high-level consultations, a decision he described as painful and unjust.
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