
Politics
IPOB/MASSOB members’ asylum: FG may summon British envoy, Ohanaeze, Afenifere back UK


The Federal Government on Tuesday expressed anger over a plan by the United Kingdom to offer asylum to “persecuted” members of the Indigenous People of Biafra and the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra.
The Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, in an interview with the News Agency of Nigeria in Abuja, said the plan was disrespectful to Nigeria as a nation.
Mohammed stated this as there were indications on Tuesday that the Federal Government might summon the British High Commissioner to Nigeria, Catriona Laing, over the asylum offer.
But socio-political groups including the Middle Belt Forum, the Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Afenifere and the Pan-Niger Delta Forum, supported the asylum offer by the UK and berated the Federal Government over the development.
The UK Visas and Immigration issued new guidelines to its decision makers on how to consider and grant asylum applications of members of Biafran secessionist groups in Nigeria.
In the guidelines published on assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government, it stated that the asylum would be granted to “persecuted” members of IPOB and MASSOB.
The Federal Government a few years ago designated IPOB, which was formed in 2012 by Nnamdi Kanu, as a terrorist organisation. MASSOB was founded in 1999 by Ralph Uwazuruike.
The two groups are calling for the secession of the Igbo in the South-East and many other ethnic nationalities in the South-South from Nigeria.
In the guidelines titled, ‘Country Policy and Information Note Nigeria: Biafran secessionist groups,’ released in March, the UKVI, a division of the Home Office, directed its decision makers to consider if a person “who actively and openly supports IPOB is likely to be at risk of arrest and detention, and ill-treatment which is likely to amount to persecution.’’
It further said the UK must also consider if the Federal Government’s actions were acts of prosecution, not persecution.
“Those fleeing prosecution or punishment for a criminal offence are not normally refugees. Prosecution may, however, amount to persecution if it involves victimisation in its application by the authorities,’’ the 56-page document noted.
An example of persecution, the UKVI said was “if it is the vehicle or excuse for or if only certain groups are prosecuted for a particular offence and the consequences of that discrimination are sufficiently severe. Punishment which is cruel, inhuman or degrading (including punishment which is out of all proportion to the offence committed) may also amount to persecution.”
On the alleged marginalisation of the Igbo, which it said led to the current agitation by IPOB, it said, ‘’Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari has been perceived by some as being dismissive and unsympathetic towards the people of the South-East, particularly with regard to the appointment of senior government officials which appeared to favour his northern constituents.
“Some Igbo complain of under-representation in the Federal Government, marginalisation, deficient infrastructure as a result of a smaller allocation of federal resources than other regions, and a sense of historical grievance against a state that they say does not represent them.’’
The UK government observed that new independence movements were, ‘’reportedly driven by a sense of unfair treatment and marginalisation.’’
It disclosed that MASSOB and IPOB had largely advocated peaceful change but on occasions had used rhetoric that might encourage violent resistance, adding that IPOB in particular, through its online platform, Radio Biafra, and online comments of its leader, Kanu, had stoked secessionist aspirations and encouraged resistance to the authorities.
The guidelines noted that though MASSOB was not a banned organisation and continued to conduct public activities, a number of its supporters had been arrested – and some killed during demonstrations.
It stated, ‘’MASSOB, since its formation in the late 1990s, has clashed with the security forces. Numerous members have been killed, wounded and arrested – usually during demonstrations. Over a hundred arrests were made in September 2018, at least 10 in 2019; and, in July 2020, it was reported that members of MASSOB were arrested following clashes with the police.
“IPOB has in recent years become the dominant Biafran group. Since 2015, the security forces have reportedly extra-judicially killed tens and injured hundreds of its supporters and leadership, often using excessive force to control protests.
“The security forces have also arrested hundreds of IPOB supporters at different events, usually when disrupting demonstrations or marches to promote Biafran independence, particularly during 2015 to 2017, as well as during raids on the homes of IPOB leaders. Sources also report clashes with the authorities during 2018 and Amnesty reported that security forces arrested at least 200 and killed 10 supporters at different times during 2019.
“Further clashes and violence occurred between security forces and IPOB in August 2020 in the city of Enugu when the police stormed an IPOB meeting and also in October 2020 during confrontations in Rivers State. These incidents resulted in the arrests and deaths of IPOB supporters as well security force personnel, although there seem to be contradictory reporting on the exact figures.”
The UKVI also hinted at reports indicating that some IPOB members, supporters and leaders arrested had been charged with treason which is punishable with the death penalty.
On cases for consideration for asylum, the UK agency said, “A risk of persecution will depend on their role, profile and activities for the group, and previous arrests by the state. A person who actively and openly supports IPOB is likely to be at risk of arrest and detention, and ill-treatment which is likely to amount to persecution. Each case will need to be carefully considered on its facts, with the onus on the applicants to demonstrate that they are likely to face a risk of persecution.’’
While acknowledging instances of attacks on security forces by IPOB members, the agency said where members of MASSOB or IPOB had incited or used violence to disrupt public order, the government might have legitimate grounds to arrest and prosecute those people.
It, however, argued that “where the government has arrested and detained persons who, for example, peacefully participate in demonstrations and has then charged them with treason or the person is subjected to periods of detention in degrading or inhuman conditions, such treatment is unlikely to be fair or proportionate, and is likely to amount to persecution.”
A senior official of the Federal Government, who confided in one of our correspondents, stated that the government would demand an explanation from the UK on its decision which Nigeria considered as inappropriate and a veiled support for the outlawed group which had been agitating for the disintegration of the country.
The source stated, “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs will definitely take up the asylum offer to IPOB with the British High Commission. The government may summon the High Commissioner and demand an explanation for their decision which is totally inappropriate and a form of support for the proscribed group.’’
Plan disrespectful to Nigeria, it’s sabotage – Lai Mohammed
In the interview with NAN on Tuesday, the Minister of Information and Culture, Mohammed, said the offer by the UK was unacceptable to Nigeria.
He stated, “Let me say straightaway that this issue is within the purview of the Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs and I am sure he will handle it appropriately.
“But as the spokesman for the Federal Government of Nigeria, I will say that if indeed the report that the UK will grant asylum to supposedly persecuted IPOB and MASSOB members is true, then something is wrong somewhere.
“Against the background of the fact that IPOB is not only proscribed but also designated as a terrorist organisation here in Nigeria, the UK’s decision is disrespectful of Nigeria as a nation.
“The decision amounts to sabotaging the fight against terrorism and generally undermining Nigeria’s security. It is not only unconscionable, it is inexplicable,’’ he said.
The minister recalled that there had been heightened attacks against security agencies in the South East Zone.
He said IPOB had been linked to the attacks in spite of its denials.
Mohammed stated, “For the UK to choose this time to give succour to IPOB beggars belief and calls to question the UK’s real intention.
“If we could go down the memory lane, what the UK has done is like Nigeria offering asylum to members of the IRA before the 1998 Good Friday Peace Agreement,’’ he said.
Middle Belt Forum accuses FG of shielding terrorists
Commenting on the development, the Middle Belt Forum stated it was not surprised by the action of the UK.
In an interview with one of our correspondents in Jos on Tuesday, the National Publicity Secretary of the Middle Belt Forum, Dr Isuwa Dogo, said the group believed that the UK decision was based on what it believed was the right thing to do given the situation of things in Nigeria which had degenerated for the worse.
Dogo asked, “Why should I be surprised by the decision of the UK on IPOB or MASSOB. The Nigerian government has branded them as terrorist organisations when known terrorist groups that have done the worst terrorist activities in the country are not so branded but instead, the government has left them to continue with their terrorist operations against the citizens. We in the Middle Belt are against the so called branding by the government.”
The Middle Belt Spokesman, however, said it would not support the idea of IPOB and MASSOB abandoning their course in Nigeria to seek asylum in foreign countries.
Ohanaeze backs UK, urges FG to hold dialogue with IPOB, MASSOB
The apex Igbo socio-cultural organization, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, said that every favour extended to any Igbo man deserved commendation of the Ohanaeze.
Ohanaeze spokesman, Chief Alex Ogbonnia, in an interview with The PUNCH, stated that the point of convergence among Ohanaeze Ndigbo and IPOB and MASSOB was much more than the point of divergence.
He stated, “A major point of convergence is that Ohanaeze Ndigbo, IPOB and MASSOB are Igbo. Only point of divergence is approach to the agitation against the marginalisation of the people of South-East.
“So Ohanaeze Ndigbo owes it a duty to protect the Igbo wherever they are, call it IPOB, call it MASSOB or whatever nomenclature that is used, it is a duty of Ohanaeze Ndigbo to protect the Igbo.
“On a daily basis, we appeal to IPOB and MASSOB to come to us, let us discuss and hold dialogues and formulate a common approach to the issue of the state of Igbo in respect to Nigeria. It is an appeal which has been consistent by Ohanaeze Ndigbo. It is very regrettable that IPOB has not been able to come to terms with this appeal.
“IPOB approach of abusing everybody is the point of divergence but their grievances are very genuine. All the young people will graduate from universities, some make first class and are deprived the opportunity of employment while somebody who barely passes, before you know the person is giving a federal appointment. It is painful.”
“So whatever favour done to an Igbo man deserves appreciation of Ohanaeze Ndigbo. Whatever favour that is extended to a disciplined Igbo man deserves commendation of Ohanaeze Ndigbo.”
He said the Federal Government instead of kicking against the UK’s gesture, it should call IPOB, MASSOB and all other agitation groups for dialogue.
It shows international community’s acknowledgement of Buhari regime’s bias – PANDEF
On its part, PANDEF described the decision of the UKVI to grant asylum to persecuted members of IPOB and MASSOB as a welcome development.
Spokesman for PANDEF, Ken Robinson, who stated this during a telephone chat with one of our correspondents on Tuesday, said it showed the mindset of the international community towards Nigeria.
He stated, “That signals the mindset or feelings of the international community towards what is happening in the country. It clearly indicates how they feel about what is going on and that they are not comfortable about what is happening. That is an acknowledgement of the bias and the discrimination with the way the government has been handling some of these issues in the country.
“We have a situation in the North-West where bandits have been terrorising communities and kidnapping people at random. Boko Haram is doing their thing in the North-East. And we have situations where communities have been invaded and helicopters hovering all over the place not doing much.
“In the South, especially in the South-East, the Eastern security network is a beautiful arrangement to secure the lives and property of the people.
“But it is obvious that they are being targeted. So it is a welcome development and of course, it’s a pointer to the government that they need to change their attitudes to some of these things in the country.
“But more than that, the international community, particularly the UK government should do more in persuading Nigeria to do things rightly.”
Also, the Yoruba socio-political organisation, Afenifere, said the failure of the government to provide welfare for its citizens made Nigerians to leave the country.
The Secretary-General of the association, Bashorun Sehinde Arogbofa, said it was clear that the country was in a crisis and that led the IPOB and MASSOB members and other citizens to be leaving the country.
He said, “In the first instance, the government should not have pushed its own citizens to that extremism. When it comes to a situation when people get out of their own place of birth, it is very unfortunate.”
CNG berates UK, says it’s providing platform for Kanu to incite anarchy in Nigeria
But the Spokesperson for the Coalition of Northern Groups, Abdul-azeez Suleiman, in an interview with The PUNCH berated the UK.
He said, “We at the CNG are not surprised at the development because we saw it coming a long time ago and issued an early warning. While we don’t support Nigerian government’s opposition to the asylum offer by the UK, we still remind the international community that as a country, Nigeria has given a fair share of friendship and support to its friends across the world.
“Apart from the effort to keep the peace and foster mutual relationships, Nigeria has never done anything to undermine its international friends and partners.
“However, available evidences tend to rather suggest that these long term friends and allies have become directly or indirectly complicit in the xenophobic, hateful and violent campaign for Biafra especially by IPOB.
“The United Kingdom, for instance, has provided Nnamdi Kanu with the platform to incessantly insult and threaten Nigeria and Nigerians with violence and anarchy. In one such instances, he openly said that if Nigeria did not give them Biafra, “Somalia will look like a Paradise.”
PUNCH
Politics
2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.
Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.
He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.
Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.
“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.
“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?
“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.
Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?
According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?
Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”
He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.
“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.
“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.
“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.
According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.
“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.
Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.
He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.
Politics
2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

By PETRUS OBI
Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.
It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.
At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.
Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?
Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.
Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.
His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.
Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.
Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.
The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.
More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.
That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?
The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.
Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.
He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.
That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.
The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.
In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.
Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.
That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.
The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.
Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.
There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.
Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.
Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.
With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.
More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.
The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.
But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.
Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.
That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.
The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.
Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.
If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.
He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.
Politics
2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.
Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.
According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.
“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.
“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.
“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!
“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”
Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.
“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.
“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.
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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.
“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.
“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.
Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.
“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.
Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.
“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.
“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.
The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.
Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.
Politics
Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.
Politics
Awkunanaw Clan gives ‘Ofo’ to their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, the NDC 2027 Enugu state Guber candidate

The people of Awkunanaw clan comprising 22 autonomous communities that span Enugu South and Nkanu West Local Government Areas of Enugu state declared their total support for the governorship ambition of their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, who is the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, 2027 governorship candidate for Enugu state.
The elders and thousands of the people of these 22 communities namely, Omuoha, Amechi Obuoffia, Ndi Uno Obuoffia, Amangwu, Ndi Agu Obuoffia, Amegu Akegbe, Attakwu, Obeaghu, Akegbe Ugwu(Okwuo) Umuatugbuoma, Umueze, Amechi Uwani, Amechi Uno, Amechi, Ugwuaji, Obegu Ugwuaji, Akwuke, Akwuke Uwani, Amodu Okowo, Okpebe, Obeagu, and Obeagu Uno gathered in their ancestral home, Ihuani Okunano at Ndi Uno Obuoffia where they prayed and gave the traditional ‘Ofo’ to Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, endorsing him, and expressing their total support, for his 2027 governorship ambition.
The elders led by the oldest man in the clan, the 104 years-old Chief Emmanuel Agwa Onovo from Akegbe Ugwu (Okwuo), extolled the public life and philantropy of Sir Chinyeaka, and prayed that God and the good people of Enugu State would vote for his victory in the 2027 governorship election. They recalled the hundreds of people of Awkunanaw clan and beyond who have been lifted by his philantropy, and how he single-handedly built the magnificient Akpasha town hall, the meeting venue of the Awkunanaw clan.
“The significance of the event,” according to the eldest man in the clan who presided over the ceremony, “is that the ‘Ofo’ provides a spiritual shield, acting as a direct link to the ancestors and God, serving as spiritual licence that justifies the warrior’s cause”
Chief Mark Ngene, a 98 year old former Director in Enugu state Local Government System, and a leading voice in Awkunanaw Clan, said, “Sir Chinyeaka’s public service record presents him as the people’s warrior and a trusted son of Igbo land who, as he goes to battle, is, today, the 19th day of August, 2026, presented with an ‘Ofo’ staff which serves as a sacred act of spiritual arming, devine endorsement rooted in a ]covenant of truth and an impending overwhelming victory in the 2027 governorship election”
Speaking after recieving the ‘Ofo,’ Sir Chinyeaka thanked the elders, the Awkunanaw people, NDC candidates and supporters, who graced the occassion. He said, “What you just witnessed, today, the 19th day of August 2026, marking the commencement of electioneering campaign for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections, is the gifting of the victory baton, traditionally called, ‘Ofo,’ in Igbo land, given to my humble self by the Awkunanaw clan, led by the Council of Elders, the traditional ‘Ofo’ custodians, ‘aka ji ‘Ofo,’ of the 22 autonomous communities of the clan.
‘Ofo’ is imbued with authority over adversaries and enables the holder to triumph over obstacles and or challenges. I recall that on this ground where I am standing, stood His Excellency Jim Nwobodo in 1979 during the build-up to the then Anambra State governorship election, and recieved this same sacred ‘Ofo’ from the elders of Awkunanaw clan. He, subsequently, won the governorship election. Similarly, in 2005, on this same spot, this same ‘Ofo’ was given to Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani when he contested the position of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he, too, won.”
Concluding, he said, “With this ‘Ofo,’ I am now fully prepared to go for the 2027 governorship election in Enugu state and win seamlessly to the glory of God.”
Several NDC chieftains and candidates in the 2027 election attended the ceremony. They included the deputy governorship candidate, Chief Frank Omeje, Enugu West Senatorial candidate, Chief Chinedu Ene. Others were House of Representatives candidates: Awgu/Aninri/Oji River, Dr. John Nwokeabia, Nsukka/Igboeze South, Dr. Hilary Onyishi (Ikemba), Nkanu West/Nkanu East, Hon. El shaddai Chinemerem Ike, Igbo Etiti/Uzouwani, Barr. Fide Ani. House of Assembly candidate for Enugu South Urban constituency, Mrs Ngozi Agbo, was also present.
Other NDC Chieftains present were Barr. Emeka Okeke, former Enugu State Commissioner for Chieftaincy Matters, Chief Kentus Eze, former SPA to Governor Ugwuanyi, Chief Emeka Madu, former member Enugu state House of Assembly, Chief Hycinth Ngwu, former APC Chieftain and Director, FAAN, Dr Vincent Obeta, former MD NEWMAP, Dr. Anthony Okenwa-Ani, former Chairman, Nkanu Local Government, and a host of others.
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