Politics
Insecurity: How Buhari was deceived – Shehu Sani
The immediate past senator representing Kaduna Central Senatorial District, Senator Shehu Sani, has revealed how President Muhammadu Buhari’s friends deceived him about the state of insecurity in the country.
Sani who spoke exclusively with Sunday Sun in Abuja, said that the deception by the president’s allies led to the current state of insecurity in the North, particularly in Kaduna State where bandits now unleash evil, kill and spill blood of innocent people.
The activist and public commentator while saying that Nigeria is moving towards a failed state, maintained that if kidnapping, banditry, farmers-herders crisis continue across the country, the nation would certainly be heading for anarchy. Excerpt:
Looking back, how would you assess your outing during the 8th Senate?
The 8th Senate has gone down in history as one of the most independent, principled, dogged, reformist and revolutional National Assembly that has performed its function without fear or favour; that has been able to hold the executive to account and gave courage and hope to Nigerians. It was a Senate that defended democracy, that defended the sanctity of the parliament and the independence of the parliament. The parliament is the bastion of democracy. Without the parliament, you simply have a dictatorship. When you have a subservient parliament, you will have the whole democratic process surrendered into the hands of one man. Man is tempted to be dictatorial, to be oppressive when given the levers of power and the National Assembly or the parliament stands as a break, as a check and also as a filter. The most dangerous thing as a nation is to have a National Assembly that is docile and dormant and one that has completely no focus other than what the president of a country wants them to do. So, as far as we are concerned, the four years of the National Assembly under the leadership of former Senate President Bukola Saraki was the full expression of democracy at its best in Nigeria.
Was that why the 8th Senate was always at loggerheads with the executive?
Well, the parliament is not a parastatal of the executive. It is also not a department or a unit of the executive. And the people in the parliament are not presidential aides or ministers. They are co-equal, elected into the government to perform the functions that are clearly stated in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. In Nigeria’s political parlance, people are subservient to the president when they are in government, while the constitution is supposed to be the guiding principle. It is supposed to be the priest and the oracle of the nation that can be consulted to address the problems of the country. If the executive veers off from what the constitution mandated it to do, it is in order to be at loggerheads. I like being at loggerheads with people who are intoxicated with power and try to oppress, marginalised or subvert or undermine the constitution of the country. So, it is good for the executive to even know that we can be on collusion course, at loggerheads with them when they try anything that undermines the constitution of the country which we all belong.
What is your take on the 9th Senate?
As far as the 9th Senate is concerned, they will be judged by the people. I am not to judge them. It is the people that judge them and now, you can see that the people are the ones who are judging us whether what we did was right or wrong; whether we did well or we didn’t do well. So, it is the people that will judge you. But there are standards to which you will be judged. The first is that how do you relate with the executive and at the same time, defend and protect your independence as an organ of government? How do you relate with the executive as far as protecting and defending the constitution of the country is concerned? How do you relate with the executive, putting into standard, the interest, the wishes and aspirations of the people? When you have an executive that consistently breaches on the constitution and you don’t confront them and bring them to order, you are bound to lose your integrity, honour and dignity. If you have an executive that implements unpopular policies and have no respect for the constitution of the country or the parliament of the country and you simply fold your arms and see the nation adrift, then it is your reputation that is at stake. So, the people will judge the 9th Senate based on the standards of democracy, the independence of the parliament and the sacrosanctity of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
But can’t there be a healthy relationship between the legislative and the executive arms of government, while also maintaining their independence?
Healthy relationship is that everyone should respect the constitution. If the constitution is violated by the executive and in the interest of peace and harmony, you decided to keep quiet, then it is not healthy. It is poisonous; it is destructive to the constitution of the country and even the democracy itself.
If given another chance, are there mistakes you made while in the 8th Senate which you would like to correct?
I don’t think that there are any mistakes I have made that I think that now… I think what would only be more exact is that I would do more than I have done in the past in everything I have done.
What about the loan request by Governor Nasir el-Rufai which was to have impact on the people, which did not see the light of the day during your time in the Senate? Don’t you see that as a mistake?
It is not a mistake. It is the right thing to do and I have done it as fully as I should do it.
So, there is no regret?
I can never regret in what I have used my right senses to do. It is the right thing to do.
Your problem with el-Rufai, don’t you have any regret?
No, at all. I can never regret it.
Some people were taken aback that both of you who are intellectually inclined, were always at each other’s throat. What is your reaction to that?
I don’t think I have been on any person’s throat. And I don’t think anybody is in my throat, and if any person thinks I am in his throat, I think that is his own business. I am done with it, and I have left the Senate and he is the governor of Kaduna State and he presides over the affairs of Kaduna State and I preside over the affairs of my office and when the time of politicking comes certainly, we make our views known.
Any hope of reconciliation between you and the governor?
We are in different political parties, so which reconciliation are you talking about? I am in Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) and they are in APC. So, I am not aware that there is going to be a merger between PRP and APC.
On a personal level, will you reconcile with the governor?
My problem is not personal. It is political and I’m done with it, and he is the governor and I am the former senator and I am off. I have no reason to raise issues about him. The people voted him into office and what he wants to do, he does it, and it is only when a person calls my name personally, then I have the right to make sure that before his mouth closes, I respond to it.
Have you foreclosed your going back to APC?
Well, I don’t know what could happen tomorrow. But for the moment which we are talking about now, I am in Peoples Redemption Party and the chairman of my party has just left this office and he is coming back later before you leave.
Since you are someone who loves the masses, why didn’t you throw away ego and defer to el-Rufai for the good of the people?
If you know my history, my history did not begin from the APC. I have always been an activist and I have always expressed my opinion in the last 35 years in the struggle. So, when I expressed my opinion, it is part of my conviction, it is part of my principle and part of my ideology. I have always expressed my opinion before being a senator and I am known to be an activist and well as a senator, I have also expressed my independent opinion and after being a senator, I am still expressing my opinion. So, my world did not begin and end with the ruling party, the APC or any person who is part of that political party.
Banditry, kidnapping, farmers-herders crisis are ravaging the country and Kaduna is at the receiving end also. How can this be nipped in the bud in the state?
Seriously, in Kaduna, we need help. Bandits are unleashing evil, killing people and spilling blood of innocent people in our state. Many parts of our rural areas are under the control of bandits. Even people living at the outskirts of the city itself, they are not safe. Families have been displaced in millions; millions of naira have been paid as ransom and there is an atmosphere of fear and intimidation. Bandits have become a state within a state. Today, there are local governments in my state where the people there are suffering and they are paying heavy price for this banditry. These bandits kill people, extort ransom, rape women, raze villages, and make it impossible for farmers to go to their farms. We are virtually under siege and Kaduna is one of the top five states in the North today that are under the siege of these bandits. And it is important that the Federal Government, the security agencies, stand up to their responsibility and protect our people from this disaster and tragedy.
How did Kaduna find itself in this situation?
I think President Muhammdu Buhari has been made to believe that we were his enemies in the last Senate when we were raising issues of banditry, kidnapping, bloodletting and violence. Time and again, I stood on the floor of the Senate to bring to the attention of the president and the conscience of the country, the killings in Kaduna, in Zamfara, in parts of Katsina State and Niger State. But many of the ppresident’s friends dismissed what we have said as either exaggeration or outright lies or we were simply trying to tarnish or rubbish the image of the government. And as such, Buhari’s friends gave Buhari wrong information about the state of security in northern Nigeria and he was made to believe that things are well and he is doing good and that it is not as tragic as we are portraying it to be. Today, the cart has become a monster. Our country is now beleaguered and bewailed because of the activities of these bandits. Kaduna happens to be surrounded by states that are deeply into this banditry – Niger, to Zamfara, to Katsina State. So, we are almost at the epicentre of it. And the banditry used to be in Birnin Gwari Local Government, but now, it has moved to Chikun, to Kajuru, to Igabi Local Governments and even bandits now storm houses in Zaria and pick professors and take them to the bush. This is how banditry has become. As for the Southern Kaduna, it is a different case. Herdsmen and bandits sneak around to kill people and if we don’t do anything about it, this is seriously not only about the havoc it is creating in rural communities, but it is also threatening the peace, order, stability and unity of Nigeria.
Where do you situate the problem of Southern Kaduna?
The problem of Southern Kaduna is both historic and also political. First of all, that part of the state is treated as a minority part of the state and it is the Christian part of the state. And the issues of marginalisation against the people of that part of the state are true. Many people in that state don’t consider them as full-blood indigenes and citizens of that state and they have been treated with contempt and treated as if they are second class citizens of the state. And because of that, it created a feeling of hostility which now metamorphosed into conflicts. When we were young, when we were children, we grew up in a society where those of us from northern part and those from southern part, we attended the same class and we prayed together. They are Christians and we are Moslems and during Christmas time, they take food to us and during Sallah time, we take food to them. Many of the primary schools in Kaduna were built by the Catholics, the Baptists, and the ECWAs for generations and were all living together. But in the last 40 years, there were ethno-religious conflicts that dragged on to the 21st Century. And politically, you can see how they have also been marginalised. The chances of someone from Southern Kaduna becoming or holding any serious position as far as things are concerned now are very low. So, there is an institutionalised injustice and political injustice perpetrated against those people which need to be corrected.
But do you see the kidnapping, banditry, farmers-herders crisis and the Southern Kaduna crisis abating soon?
Nothing has been done seriously now to say that it is abating because people are still being killed, people are still being kidnapped and the bandits are moving in group of hundreds, two hundreds on motorcycles, wielding AK-47 and you can even see that recently, they even attacked a military garrison in Katsina State. And they are becoming so audacious and fierce and more violent than they have ever been. So, it is time I think we should use technology to deal with them.
Where do you think all these issues are leading us to?
If we want to keep this country one, if we want to protect and preserve our dignity as a people, we must take the security challenge very seriously. You can see how the herdsmen violence in the Southwest has now threatened the political solidarity and the unity that exists between the North and the South. If these killings continue certainly, we would be heading for anarchy. Bandits, herdsmen and terrorists have become a state within a state and our security apparatus has failed consistently in exploiting, in using technology to gather information and deal with these bandits. What are the symptoms of a failing state? One of the symptoms of a failing state is the loss of control of the government and its inability to use state apparatus to enforce law and protect and defend territories and also ensure that impunity does not have a breathing space. So, if you look at it, we are heading towards a failed state. It is incumbent on a president of a country to stand up, to protect this country, to defend this country because that was the promise they made for which Nigerians voted them in 2015.
What is your next political move?
My next political move will be evident by God’s grace as the time goes by. For now, we will watch events. And I come from a very small political party, but we are still having some of our members in the parliament. So, whatever may happen tomorrow will be left for the realities of tomorrow.
Tags: insecurityKaduna Central Senatorial Districtpresident muhammadu buharisenator shehu saniwas deceived
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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