Politics
Hardship: No regrets removing subsidy, tax reform’ll go ahead — Tinubu
The Presidential Media Chat, Tinubu’s first, was aired on the Nigerian Television Authority Monday night.
The tax reforms have sparked controversy across the country, forcing the House of Representatives to suspend indefinitely the debate on the bills earlier fixed for December 3 following mounting pressure from the 19 northern states governors.
The planned debate was called off after 73 northern lawmakers kicked against the bills.
However, while the reforms have garnered support in the South as steps toward equitable resource distribution, stakeholders says resistance from the North reflects fears of marginalisation and economic disadvantage.
Borno State Governor, Babagana Zulum, was quoted in an interview with BBC as saying, “Why the rush? The Petroleum Industry Bill took almost 20 years before it was finally passed. But this tax reform bill is being transmitted and receiving legislative attention within a week. It should be treated carefully and with caution so that even after our exit, our children will reap its benefits.
“We condemn these bills sent to the National Assembly. They will drag the North backwards and also affect the South East, South West, and some South-Western states like Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, and Ondo.”
September 3, 2024 Bola Tinubu transmitted four tax reforms bills to the National Assembly for consideration following the recommendations of the Taiwo Oyedele-led Presidential Committee on Fiscal and Tax Reforms.
The bills include the Nigeria Tax Bill 2024, which aims to provide the fiscal framework for taxation in the country, and the Tax Administration Bill, which will provide a clear and concise legal framework for all taxes in the country and reduce disputes.
Others are the Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill, expected to repeal the Federal Inland Revenue Service Act and establish the Nigeria Revenue Service as well as the Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill, which will create a tax tribunal and a tax ombudsman.
On October 29, 2024, the Northern Governors Forum, the umbrella body comprising the 19 governors of the region, kicked against the bill, particularly the Value Added Tax-sharing template.
At a gathering in Kaduna, the governors directed federal lawmakers from their respective states to vote against the bills when they came up for debate in both chambers of the National Assembly.
Two days later, the National Economic Council presided over by Vice President Kashim Shettima advised the Federal Government to withdraw the bills to create room for broader consultations among critical stakeholders, a counsel turned down by the President in a statement by his spokesman, Bayo Onanuga.
But the President stressed that tax reforms was pro-poor and aimed at widening the tax net, noting that it was typical for tax reforms to be accompanied by outcries.
He said, “Tax reform is here to say. We cannot just continue to do what we were doing yesteryears in today’s economy. We cannot retool this economy with the old broken tools. The essence of the tax reform is to eliminate colonial-based assumptions in our tax environment. Every tax situation without outcry is not a tax.
“You cannot satisfy uniformly the larger community of tax evaders. This tax reform is pro-poor; the vulnerable are not to pay taxes. All we are asking for is to widen the tax net and bake the cake larger so that we can share a larger meal.
“They will still ask for this consultation no matter how long I delay it. The hallmark of a good leader is the ability to do what you have to do at the time it has to be done. That is my philosophy.”
Questioned about the economic hardship following the subsidy removal, the President said he had no regret as it had become necessary.
Tinubu said removing petrol subsidy was in a bid to save generations to come, noting that the country was already spending its future while giving freebies to neighbouring countries.
He also knocked calls for the phased removal of subsidies, saying the nation was headed for financial disaster.
With the subsidy removal, he said what was imperative was for Nigerians to manage within available resources and shun unnecessary expenses.
“What contingency? We were spending our future. We were spending our generations’ fortunes; we were not investing. We were just deceiving ourselves. That reform is necessary. I could see the smugglers fighting back; that doesn’t affect me. It affects smuggling. Why should you have expenditures that you don’t have revenue for? I don’t want to question people who have acquired limousine kind of vehicles on the road. We should teach management in all our programmes. We have to manage our resources within our means,” Tinubu stated.
“There is no way that you give out fuel and allow all the neighbouring countries as Father Christmas. I don’t have any regret whatsoever in removing the subsidy. It is necessary. We cannot spend our future generations’ investments upfront.
“Phased removal is part of unnecessary fear. No matter how you cut it, you still have to meet the bills. So cut your coat strictly to your size. Management is the issue and we have no choice but to pull the hand brakes, otherwise, we are headed for slippery slopes and in such financial disaster, not just for us, but for our children and grandchildren. Where is the pathway for prosperity?”
The President added that he was not ready to shrink his cabinet, saying all his appointees were adding value.
Tinubu said his plan in the 2025 budget proposal to reduce inflation from 34 per cent to 15 per cent would be realised by boosting local production and reducing imports.
“If one produces more for consumption locally, stop imports, give a reasonable level of funding and assistance, the low interest rate to farmers, improve the security as you see in the budget so that they can return to their farms and produce more food, encourage the procurement and manufacturing of drugs in Nigeria, we have what it takes.
“Talk to Professor (Ali) Pate, he is doing an excellent job trying to encourage. All I need to do is put the incentive in place in order for them to harness what is possible in Nigeria. It is about time we do all of those. Bring the cost of governance down,” he explained.
On the recent stampedes, Tinubu blamed organisers of the various events in Ibadan, Abuja and Okija, where a total of 67 people, including 35 children, died in their rush for palliatives.
His comments follow a wave of stampedes as people scampered for food items made available by charitable groups and individuals.
In Okija, Anambra State, what was meant to be a Christmas palliative distribution on Saturday turned tragic when 22 persons lost their lives, with several others injured, during an early morning stampede.
The same day in Abuja, another tragedy struck when 10 persons died during an annual Christmas food-sharing event at Holy Trinity Catholic Church, Maitama.
These incidents followed Wednesday’s stampede at the Islamic High School, Basorun, in Ibadan, Oyo State, where several children lost their lives during a holiday funfair celebration, with others rushed to the University College Hospital for medical attention.
“To me, I see this as a very grave error on the part of the organisers,” he said. “Are we looking at it from the organisers point of view or from the goodwill gesture of the people trying to give what they have as extra?
“Sadly, people are not very well organised, we just have to be more disciplined in our society. Condolences to those who lost family members, but it is good to give. I have been giving out food stuff and commodities, including envelopes in Bourdillion for the past 25 years; I have never experienced this kind of incident because we are organised and prone to discipline.
“If you don’t have enough to give, don’t attempt to give or publicise it. Every society has food banks and hungry people. They are organised; they take tokens to be in line and take turns to collect. It is unfortunate. It is reflected at our bus stops, we don’t want to queue, so we rush to board vehicles. We continue to learn from our mistakes.”
On fighting corruption, Tinubu said his efforts in this regard included the removal of subsidy, which he said ended stopped smuggling of the nation’s petroleum resources.
The President said he believed in people having more access to legitimate income as a way to tackle corruption, noting that with increased earnings, allocation to states and local governments had increased.
He also stated that anti-corruption agencies continued to plug loopholes for corruption, noting that the recent discovery of hundreds of duplexes reportedly owned by a former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele, was evidence of his government’s corruption fight.
Tinubu also mentioned the Student Loan as a means to prevent people from subscribing to corruption to fund their education.
While noting that the government cannot eliminate corruption fully, he stated that it had drastically reduced corrupt practices, adding that the increase in minimum wage was also a way to tackle corruption.
The President said, “Corruption in all ramifications is bad. First of all, pay enough attention to the causes. Why are the people corrupt? The lack of social amenities; the lack of needs in some areas; lack of funding for their children’s education. There are so many anti-corruption mechanisms that you can put in place that will help the people not to be corrupt. Pay them good living wages.
“I have moved from N35,000 to N70,000, to me that is anti-corruption. If I can earn more, I have given more money to the states and local governments. I have been transparent with my earnings. Every month, there is a publication as to how much this country is making.
“We got the man who had 735 houses. You don’t know how long it has started. He had fantastic infrastructure; he had a row of houses but we got it. That is anti-corruption too. We got it for the public. The structure, ability to stem corruption is part of the instrument of the EFCC, that is why they are discovering all sorts of inefficiencies in the system. Block all the loopholes where anybody can just game the system.
“Part of the anti-corruption is removal of subsidy. It is very difficult to eliminate but you reduce it to the barest minimum.
“Meet the people’s needs; help them with the education of their children. Our students’ loan is part of anti-corruption. No parent should lament how to encourage their children in university education. It is working for the larger part of the population.”
Asked about how to stem the high price of food items, Tinubu said he believed in increasing agricultural production, not price control.
He said government would continue to work hard to increase supply to the market such that the nation had enough to feed itself and export.
“I don’t believe in price control,” he said.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
No fewer than 10 state governors and former governors are actively working to replace incumbent senators ahead of the 2027 general elections, in what appears to be a sweeping political realignment reshaping Nigeria’s legislative landscape.
The sitting governors, whose tenure will expire by May 2027, are leveraging their control of party structures in their states to secure Senate tickets—largely through “consensus” arrangements.
At least 12 of Nigeria’s 36 incumbent governors are currently serving their second and final terms. Of that number, 10 will complete their constitutionally mandated eight years on May 29, 2027, setting the stage for a high-stakes political transition that is already unsettling party structures nationwide.
Eight of the affected governors are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Seyi Makinde of Oyo State belongs to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), while Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State is affiliated with the Peoples Democratic Party, contrary to earlier claims linking him to the Allied Peoples Movement.
Governors expected to complete their tenure in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Muhammadu Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa and Hope Uzodimma of Imo will also finish their second terms, their exit dates fall in January and February 2028, respectively, due to off-cycle elections. However, their extended timelines have not excluded them from early succession and Senate calculations.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu, during a meeting with the leadership of the National Assembly, rebuffed lobbying efforts by lawmakers seeking automatic return tickets ahead of the 2027 elections. Instead, he reaffirmed the authority of state governors over candidate selection in their respective states.
Sources familiar with the meeting revealed that senators had approached the President to seek assurances for automatic tickets.
“The meeting was to plead for automatic tickets, but the President insisted that governors, as party leaders in their states, must have a decisive say on who gets the ticket,” a source disclosed.
Less than 24 hours later, Tinubu convened another meeting with APC governors, where he reportedly gave them a free hand to conduct party primaries in accordance with the Electoral Act—either through consensus or direct primaries.
Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago confirmed this, stating that the President had effectively empowered governors to drive the primaries process.
Investigations across several states—including Yobe, Nasarawa, Adamawa, Ogun, Gombe, Bauchi, Kwara, and Imo—indicate a growing pattern in which party stakeholders endorse governors or their preferred candidates as sole contenders. In many cases, rivals are pressured to step aside, while primaries are either avoided or reduced to mere formalities.
In Yobe State, Senator Musa Mustapha (Yobe East) stepped aside to support Governor Mai Mala Buni after a stakeholders’ meeting in Damaturu. He also withdrew from the governorship race, pledging full loyalty to party leadership decisions.
Similarly, in Gombe State, former governor and Senator Danjuma Goje lost his bid for a fifth term following a zoning arrangement favouring a candidate aligned with Governor Yahaya.
In Imo State, Governor Hope Uzodimma has been endorsed as the consensus candidate for Imo West, despite the interest of incumbent Senator Osita Izunaso. The move has triggered tension, with former governor Rochas Okorocha also entering the race.
In Ogun State, the consensus model has broken down into open conflict, as Governor Dapo Abiodun’s Senate ambition has put him at odds with incumbent Senator Gbenga Daniel.
In Adamawa, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri has emerged as the consensus candidate for Adamawa North, with the incumbent senator stepping aside in his favour.
Similar developments have been recorded in Nasarawa, Kwara, Delta, and Kogi states, where governors and former governors are positioning themselves to take over Senate seats—often displacing incumbents.
Meanwhile, in Cross River State, former governor Ben Ayade revealed he had been asked to drop his Senate ambition following high-level consultations, a decision he described as painful and unjust.
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