Connect with us
Maduka University Advert

Politics

Enugu’s Double Portion Question: …Crawled-by-night…flight-by-day

Published

on

Maduka University

By Igbonekwu Ogazimorah

 

Equity, like nature, abhors Double Portion.

Double Portion actually means having more than fair share, especially when some have not had any at all. For instance, in power sharing in Enugu State, Chimaroke Nnamani represented the share of the Nkanu people (Enugu East), on the throne of Lion Building. Sullivan Chime was for the Enugu West Zone, while Gburugburu Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi is closing the circle as the holder of the mantle on behalf of the Nsukka Zone (Enugu North). If any of the Senatorial Zones had held the position more than once, whereas one has not held at all, it would have amounted to “double portion”, which is capable of igniting conflicts.

But, so far, it has been such seamless and impressive cycle of sharing.

Advertisement

Testamentary laws, especially in the Commonwealth, frown at Double Portion. “You cannot get more than your fair share…” In most of Igbo societies, “Double Portion” was the reason some wars were fought, villages sacked, territories seized and heads rolled. Hmmmmm, “heads will roll.”

Back then, in the early 1990s, the then Governor Okwy Nwodo of old Enugu State had devised what he called the Triangular Equilibrium. He said that the then old Enugu State should be construed to mean a political tripod made of the Abakaliki Senatorial Zone, the Nsukka Senatorial Zone and the Enugu Senatorial Zone. Although it was an age of innocence, it was curious making out what Nwodo actually planned with his tripod theory. His tenure was cut short, as Sani Abacha kicked out all the governors from office in 1993

On creation of Ebonyi State, which took away Abakaliki, a third of the tripod, Enugu was not going to be left with only two legs if it must have the required number of senators and senatorial zones as provided for, in the Constitution of the Federal Republic.

So, Enugu soon returned to three-zonal structure: Enugu West senatorial zone, Enugu East senatorial zone and Enugu North senatorial zone.

Hard core political strikers of the Enugu North (Nsukka Zone) were not happy. To them, it was unjust to split the old Enugu Zone into two senatorial zones while Enugu North remained one. But the old Enugu zone had 11 local government areas whereas the Enugu North (Nsukka) had six. In any case, Enugu was not offered more than three Senatorial Seats/zones.

Advertisement

The people of Enugu East and Enugu West, aware that this is a matter of federal jurisdiction, it would amount to waste of time to discuss it. So, having been settled in law and fact that Enugu State is made of three geopolitical/senatorial zones, the political leaders of Enugu North (Nsukka) ought to understand. No, they want some amendments, even if it is internal to Enugu State.

An outgoing Senator, Chuka Utazi gave a punching hint last year. “…power sharing in Enugu State should be between Nsukka (Enugu North) and old Enugu (Enugu East and Enugu West).”

16-for-16 Agenda
One character among men, long on the stage, short on derivable, gave this analysis on the attached video clip. “The governorship of Sullivan Chime, whose deputy was an Nkanu man (Enugu East), meant total exclusion of the Nsukka people from the Lion Building, for eight years… the eight years each of Chimaroke Nnamani and Sullivan Chime must be seen and accepted as 16 years for one zone – the old Enugu Zone.” He argues further, the eight years of Governor Ugwuanyi must be added with another eight years of a fresh governor from the North (Nsukka), to bring it to 16 years, so that Nsukka would have as much as old Enugu has had”.

To him, fairness can only mean, 16-years-of-Nsukka-for-16-years-of-Enugu.

Mid way, he appears to reaslise how unrealistic he is getting.

Advertisement

He continues, “let the governorship go to Isi Uzo. Thank God, our Nsukka brothers in Isi Uzo are in Enugu East Zone…we will use them to get our full share. Governor Ugwuanyi must make an Isi Uzo man the governorship candidate of the PDP. If an Isi Uzo man becomes the governor, with an Enugu North (Nsukka) man as the deputy governor, then we have revenged what Nnamani did to the Nsukka people.”

The crowd roared in approval. I was surprised (Video clip attached).

Of course, many did not think seriously of any of these. The zones are clearly stated in law and in fact, and such ‘atilogu’ dances over what is clear did not interest most.

But they are mistaken. These guys are dead serious. They have even taken it to the Obi-Dient Movement, using Labour Party to pretend to be part of the ongoing socio-political reengineering riding the wave of the Obi-Dient Movement across the globe.

Boom, came the now withdrawn war threat of Senator-Elect, Okey Ezea. “It is war between Nsukka and Nkanu,” he thundered at a rally.

Advertisement

Ordinarily, Ezea is an urbane gentleman, not given to threatening wars. He never really liked to ruffle feathers, much as he had been in pursuit of political office for a long time. A generous and down to earth gentleman, who preferred to power himself to personal fortune through a dint of hard work and long held connections in the maritime industry. He outburst was a surprise to many.

Any way, he has since retracted.

Divide and Rule
Last year, the report started trickling in that there had been sneaky, crawled-by-night moves to excavate some fast fading primordial social boundaries and imaginary cultural lines in Enugu East and Enugu West. The target of the Labour Party was to find a footing in any form of division among the Nkanus, so that their bid for power would hold some water. Most of the elites ignored it, now to their chagrin.

At the same time, every effort was being made to hold on to Isi Uzo as an Nsukka territory which chances at governorship would translate to such as extended to the Enugu North. The rest we know, as they have not yet said, are not yet history. If you know, you know!

I have had causes to investigate the ethno-historical origin of the major community clusters that make up Isi Uzo. My searches always point in one direction: the Nkanu, Nkale, Nkali, Nkere assemblages in history, are all founded on an erstwhile Izzi/Ezza dispersals. Then I saw the Okwoga administrative records and who was included. Nsukka was of the Okwoga Division. Isi Uzo was not. The Abakaliki Divisional records give all you need to know about the Nkali, Nkanu, etc, heritages. But the Enugu records, housing Eha Amufu as part of the Nikes (Like) of Enugu repeatedly in 1912, 1928 and 1939, would have settled it.

Advertisement

But of course, people become who they chose to become. It hardly matters here.

What matters at moment is the carefully designed program to turn the agenda of these crawled-by-night seekers into an Obi-Dient program. It could not have been an Odi-Dient thing. It is even incapable of disguising as a Labour Party agenda.

It is an agenda of the Crawled-by-night 16-for-16 seekers.

Ugwuanyi must fall
They are seasoned politicians, with the knack for smart electioneering strategies. This strategy is simple. “Make the 16-for-16 agenda one of the desires to rupture the political system, feed this to the rest of Enugu youths, and create a movement which shall ride the crest of the Obi-Dient Movement.

“And, for not supporting this 16-for-16 Agenda, Governor Ugwuanyi must fall. His elective political career must be momentarily brought to a halt.”(Not their exact words).
It was astonishing, listening to the carefree lawyer who rattled, on the premises of the High Court. He could scarcely mask his rage.

Advertisement

First of all, let us understand why the Nsukka people appear to be so resentful of Governor Ugwuanyi, to the extent that they started with an armed struggle which lasted over six months, then followed it with this inexplicable embarrassment at the polls.

Did Governor Ugwuanyi actually fail his people of Enugu North (Nsukka)? Are his in-house media handlers to blame? Did he apply the wrong media strategy?

One Lagos based editor said that his media handlers are to blame. “They are as guilty as charged. They think that executive office media management is limited to handing over fat brown envelopes and turning back the journalists.”

When reminded that Ugwuanyi never really liked live media interactions, as was revealed, he quipped, “So, his projects also disliked media exposure?”

An analytical young friend, Ugochukwu Mba, argues, “Ugwuanyi was not pounded by his Nsukka brothers for not performing. Gburugburu performed, and greatly too, in favour of Nsukka people. He gave them everything. Just take a look at his appointments in almost every office in Enugu State. Gburugburu gave it all to his people. In most of the ministries, his people are lined up from Commissioner down to the clerks. 90 percent of the parastatals are headed by Nsukka people. The same goes for academic institutions. Look at the newly created Housing Estates and the allocation of lands that came with them. The NTA Estate, WTC Estate, Diamond Estate, Greater Enugu, etc. Nsukka people took over 80 per cent of the allocations. Some of the structures were personally erected by the governor and given to his Nsukka people. Look at the brand new university at Igbo Ano. When the Federal Government established a Federal Polytechnic, it was at Nsukka. Go to Nsukka and see the renewal of Nsukka Urban, among other edifying projects.”

Advertisement

So, why the hatred and eventual rejection?

“My Oga, the problem is that Gburugburu is not part of the sit-tight agenda of those Nsukka irredentists.”

Wow!

But how would a governor perform so well for his people, but got so rudely unrequited? “His people want all for now, and since he is not part of that agenda, he must be cut down.”

I was speechless. Indeed, the three new giant structures the governor erected in the headquarters of the Ministry of Justice, he named after three Nsukka jurists. So, how else can the man appease his people? Are they such ingrates?

Advertisement

According to the young man, what irritates most was that whereas the young Nsukka are playing the 16-for-16 Agenda, using the now fiery Obi-Dient activism, the youths of Enugu East and Enugu West (the actual Odi-Dients), are playing woke (political correctness) with the same Obi-dient Movement.” So, they are being duped.

Crawled-by-night…flight-by-day
I have been thinking long and hard about the power possibilities of an emergent crawl by night irredentists and Flight-by-day Obi-Dients. Whereas the genuine Obi-Dients are genuine, the others, schooled in masking their intensions, are garbed of the present political tour de force, just as had been the case in history of revolutions. During the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, there were persons captured by writers as “Monarchists at night, Bolsheviks in the day.” Of course, many Monarchists escaped the massacre and became parts of the new Communist Bolsheviks Order. Deep State actors are usually trained to function that way.

My friend had initially planned to work with the Labour Party as these contests unfolded. Like yours truly, he is an ardent supporter of the national Obi-Dient Movement. But having studied the regimes of opportunism of so called political “niche carvers,” I warned him and invited him to seek further clarifications with older players.

The attempt to resurrect the dying primordial sentiment in Nkanu, as the Labour Party desperately sought a foothold in Enugu East zone was quite nauseating to me. The ongoing offers, deals and percolations, all in the attempt to split the West, are crass opportunism. I told him, too.

These were also pointed out to us soon after we met a retired old war horse. He shook his head as he laughed at my friend: “So, you want to be a part of those who are exploiting the old anger and division in Nkanu land? You will be finished. You want to be part of those trying to bring back what everybody is working hard to forget? Try it. My dear, flee from those people. Flee from any man who capitalises on your disagreement with your wife to try to ‘do it’ with her”

Advertisement

We know. Backdoor channels are always possible in pursuit of most objectives in life. Many who have no understanding of the mechanics of spontaneous social changes may not even appreciate the national political current beating the shores. It is like a powerful storm, and it offers room for opportunism.

In the present case, in Enugu State, it already seems hijacked by this 16-for-16 Movement. They swear that they have never heard of Ebeano; they have all been angels; they are whiter than snows; and they are not of the old order. But in truth, they are the “crawled-by-night” as 16-for16 irredentists and Flight-by-day as Obi-Dients.

They have adorned the fashion in town – Obi-Dient Movement. The rest are clapping!

Shine your eyes!

Ogazimorah, one time Commissioner for Information Strategies, Culture and Tourism in Enugu State, is a Public Affairs Analyst and an Attorney at Law.

Advertisement
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Politics

2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

Published

on

Maduka University

A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.

Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.

He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.

Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.

“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.

Advertisement

“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?

“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.

Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?

According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?

Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”

Advertisement

He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.

“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.

“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.

“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.

According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.

Advertisement

“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.

Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.

He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.

Continue Reading

Politics

2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

Published

on

Maduka University

By PETRUS OBI

Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.

It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.

At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.

Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?

Advertisement

Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.

Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.

His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.

Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.

Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.

Advertisement

The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.

More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.

That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?

The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.

Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.

Advertisement

He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.

That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.

The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.

In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.

Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.

Advertisement

That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.

The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.

Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.

There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.

Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.

Advertisement

Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.

With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.

More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.

The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.

But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.

Advertisement

Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.

That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.

The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.

Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.

If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.

Advertisement

He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.

Continue Reading

Politics

2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

Published

on

Maduka University
The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has explained why he could not have served as Director-General of President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 Presidential Campaign Council, saying he is not a member of the All Progressives Congress and does not want to risk losing his states.

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.

Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.

According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.

“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.

Advertisement

“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.

“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!

“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”

Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.

“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.

Advertisement

“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.

Related News
2027: Ondo will deliver votes for Tinubu’s re-election — Aiyedatiwa
Yari accepts appointment as APC 2027 presidential campaign DG
VIDEO: Ero-Arike workers beg Nigerians not to boycott brand over owner’s politics
‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.

“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.

“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.

“So, we had our own strategies on how the president would emerge,” he said.
Advertisement

Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.

“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.

Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.

“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.

“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.

Advertisement

The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.

Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.

Continue Reading

Politics

Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

Published

on

Maduka University

By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

Continue Reading

Politics

Awkunanaw Clan gives ‘Ofo’ to their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, the NDC 2027 Enugu state Guber candidate

Published

on

Maduka University

The people of Awkunanaw clan comprising 22 autonomous communities that span Enugu South and Nkanu West Local Government Areas of Enugu state declared their total support for the governorship ambition of their son, Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, who is the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, 2027 governorship candidate for Enugu state.

The elders and thousands of the people of these 22 communities namely, Omuoha, Amechi Obuoffia, Ndi Uno Obuoffia, Amangwu, Ndi Agu Obuoffia, Amegu Akegbe, Attakwu, Obeaghu, Akegbe Ugwu(Okwuo) Umuatugbuoma, Umueze, Amechi Uwani, Amechi Uno, Amechi, Ugwuaji, Obegu Ugwuaji, Akwuke, Akwuke Uwani, Amodu Okowo, Okpebe, Obeagu, and Obeagu Uno gathered in their ancestral home, Ihuani Okunano at Ndi Uno Obuoffia where they prayed and gave the traditional ‘Ofo’ to Sir Chinyeaka Ohaa, endorsing him, and expressing their total support, for his 2027 governorship ambition.

The elders led by the oldest man in the clan, the 104 years-old Chief Emmanuel Agwa Onovo from Akegbe Ugwu (Okwuo), extolled the public life and philantropy of Sir Chinyeaka, and prayed that God and the good people of Enugu State would vote for his victory in the 2027 governorship election. They recalled the hundreds of people of Awkunanaw clan and beyond who have been lifted by his philantropy, and how he single-handedly built the magnificient Akpasha town hall, the meeting venue of the Awkunanaw clan.

“The significance of the event,” according to the eldest man in the clan who presided over the ceremony, “is that the ‘Ofo’ provides a spiritual shield, acting as a direct link to the ancestors and God, serving as spiritual licence that justifies the warrior’s cause”

Chief Mark Ngene, a 98 year old former Director in Enugu state Local Government System, and a leading voice in Awkunanaw Clan, said, “Sir Chinyeaka’s public service record presents him as the people’s warrior and a trusted son of Igbo land who, as he goes to battle, is, today, the 19th day of August, 2026, presented with an ‘Ofo’ staff which serves as a sacred act of spiritual arming, devine endorsement rooted in a ]covenant of truth and an impending overwhelming victory in the 2027 governorship election”

Speaking after recieving the ‘Ofo,’ Sir Chinyeaka thanked the elders, the Awkunanaw people, NDC candidates and supporters, who graced the occassion. He said, “What you just witnessed, today, the 19th day of August 2026, marking the commencement of electioneering campaign for the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections, is the gifting of the victory baton, traditionally called, ‘Ofo,’ in Igbo land, given to my humble self by the Awkunanaw clan, led by the Council of Elders, the traditional ‘Ofo’ custodians, ‘aka ji ‘Ofo,’ of the 22 autonomous communities of the clan.
‘Ofo’ is imbued with authority over adversaries and enables the holder to triumph over obstacles and or challenges. I recall that on this ground where I am standing, stood His Excellency Jim Nwobodo in 1979 during the build-up to the then Anambra State governorship election, and recieved this same sacred ‘Ofo’ from the elders of Awkunanaw clan. He, subsequently, won the governorship election. Similarly, in 2005, on this same spot, this same ‘Ofo’ was given to Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani when he contested the position of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he, too, won.”

Concluding, he said, “With this ‘Ofo,’ I am now fully prepared to go for the 2027 governorship election in Enugu state and win seamlessly to the glory of God.”

Advertisement

Several NDC chieftains and candidates in the 2027 election attended the ceremony. They included the deputy governorship candidate, Chief Frank Omeje, Enugu West Senatorial candidate, Chief Chinedu Ene. Others were House of Representatives candidates: Awgu/Aninri/Oji River, Dr. John Nwokeabia, Nsukka/Igboeze South, Dr. Hilary Onyishi (Ikemba), Nkanu West/Nkanu East, Hon. El shaddai Chinemerem Ike, Igbo Etiti/Uzouwani, Barr. Fide Ani. House of Assembly candidate for Enugu South Urban constituency, Mrs Ngozi Agbo, was also present.

Other NDC Chieftains present were Barr. Emeka Okeke, former Enugu State Commissioner for Chieftaincy Matters, Chief Kentus Eze, former SPA to Governor Ugwuanyi, Chief Emeka Madu, former member Enugu state House of Assembly, Chief Hycinth Ngwu, former APC Chieftain and Director, FAAN, Dr Vincent Obeta, former MD NEWMAP, Dr. Anthony Okenwa-Ani, former Chairman, Nkanu Local Government, and a host of others.

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending