Politics
Enugu’s Double Portion Question: …Crawled-by-night…flight-by-day
By Igbonekwu Ogazimorah
Equity, like nature, abhors Double Portion.
Double Portion actually means having more than fair share, especially when some have not had any at all. For instance, in power sharing in Enugu State, Chimaroke Nnamani represented the share of the Nkanu people (Enugu East), on the throne of Lion Building. Sullivan Chime was for the Enugu West Zone, while Gburugburu Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi is closing the circle as the holder of the mantle on behalf of the Nsukka Zone (Enugu North). If any of the Senatorial Zones had held the position more than once, whereas one has not held at all, it would have amounted to “double portion”, which is capable of igniting conflicts.
But, so far, it has been such seamless and impressive cycle of sharing.
Testamentary laws, especially in the Commonwealth, frown at Double Portion. “You cannot get more than your fair share…” In most of Igbo societies, “Double Portion” was the reason some wars were fought, villages sacked, territories seized and heads rolled. Hmmmmm, “heads will roll.”
Back then, in the early 1990s, the then Governor Okwy Nwodo of old Enugu State had devised what he called the Triangular Equilibrium. He said that the then old Enugu State should be construed to mean a political tripod made of the Abakaliki Senatorial Zone, the Nsukka Senatorial Zone and the Enugu Senatorial Zone. Although it was an age of innocence, it was curious making out what Nwodo actually planned with his tripod theory. His tenure was cut short, as Sani Abacha kicked out all the governors from office in 1993
On creation of Ebonyi State, which took away Abakaliki, a third of the tripod, Enugu was not going to be left with only two legs if it must have the required number of senators and senatorial zones as provided for, in the Constitution of the Federal Republic.
So, Enugu soon returned to three-zonal structure: Enugu West senatorial zone, Enugu East senatorial zone and Enugu North senatorial zone.
Hard core political strikers of the Enugu North (Nsukka Zone) were not happy. To them, it was unjust to split the old Enugu Zone into two senatorial zones while Enugu North remained one. But the old Enugu zone had 11 local government areas whereas the Enugu North (Nsukka) had six. In any case, Enugu was not offered more than three Senatorial Seats/zones.
The people of Enugu East and Enugu West, aware that this is a matter of federal jurisdiction, it would amount to waste of time to discuss it. So, having been settled in law and fact that Enugu State is made of three geopolitical/senatorial zones, the political leaders of Enugu North (Nsukka) ought to understand. No, they want some amendments, even if it is internal to Enugu State.
An outgoing Senator, Chuka Utazi gave a punching hint last year. “…power sharing in Enugu State should be between Nsukka (Enugu North) and old Enugu (Enugu East and Enugu West).”
16-for-16 Agenda
One character among men, long on the stage, short on derivable, gave this analysis on the attached video clip. “The governorship of Sullivan Chime, whose deputy was an Nkanu man (Enugu East), meant total exclusion of the Nsukka people from the Lion Building, for eight years… the eight years each of Chimaroke Nnamani and Sullivan Chime must be seen and accepted as 16 years for one zone – the old Enugu Zone.” He argues further, the eight years of Governor Ugwuanyi must be added with another eight years of a fresh governor from the North (Nsukka), to bring it to 16 years, so that Nsukka would have as much as old Enugu has had”.
To him, fairness can only mean, 16-years-of-Nsukka-for-16-years-of-Enugu.
Mid way, he appears to reaslise how unrealistic he is getting.
He continues, “let the governorship go to Isi Uzo. Thank God, our Nsukka brothers in Isi Uzo are in Enugu East Zone…we will use them to get our full share. Governor Ugwuanyi must make an Isi Uzo man the governorship candidate of the PDP. If an Isi Uzo man becomes the governor, with an Enugu North (Nsukka) man as the deputy governor, then we have revenged what Nnamani did to the Nsukka people.”
The crowd roared in approval. I was surprised (Video clip attached).
Of course, many did not think seriously of any of these. The zones are clearly stated in law and in fact, and such ‘atilogu’ dances over what is clear did not interest most.
But they are mistaken. These guys are dead serious. They have even taken it to the Obi-Dient Movement, using Labour Party to pretend to be part of the ongoing socio-political reengineering riding the wave of the Obi-Dient Movement across the globe.
Boom, came the now withdrawn war threat of Senator-Elect, Okey Ezea. “It is war between Nsukka and Nkanu,” he thundered at a rally.
Ordinarily, Ezea is an urbane gentleman, not given to threatening wars. He never really liked to ruffle feathers, much as he had been in pursuit of political office for a long time. A generous and down to earth gentleman, who preferred to power himself to personal fortune through a dint of hard work and long held connections in the maritime industry. He outburst was a surprise to many.
Any way, he has since retracted.
Divide and Rule
Last year, the report started trickling in that there had been sneaky, crawled-by-night moves to excavate some fast fading primordial social boundaries and imaginary cultural lines in Enugu East and Enugu West. The target of the Labour Party was to find a footing in any form of division among the Nkanus, so that their bid for power would hold some water. Most of the elites ignored it, now to their chagrin.
At the same time, every effort was being made to hold on to Isi Uzo as an Nsukka territory which chances at governorship would translate to such as extended to the Enugu North. The rest we know, as they have not yet said, are not yet history. If you know, you know!
I have had causes to investigate the ethno-historical origin of the major community clusters that make up Isi Uzo. My searches always point in one direction: the Nkanu, Nkale, Nkali, Nkere assemblages in history, are all founded on an erstwhile Izzi/Ezza dispersals. Then I saw the Okwoga administrative records and who was included. Nsukka was of the Okwoga Division. Isi Uzo was not. The Abakaliki Divisional records give all you need to know about the Nkali, Nkanu, etc, heritages. But the Enugu records, housing Eha Amufu as part of the Nikes (Like) of Enugu repeatedly in 1912, 1928 and 1939, would have settled it.
But of course, people become who they chose to become. It hardly matters here.
What matters at moment is the carefully designed program to turn the agenda of these crawled-by-night seekers into an Obi-Dient program. It could not have been an Odi-Dient thing. It is even incapable of disguising as a Labour Party agenda.
It is an agenda of the Crawled-by-night 16-for-16 seekers.
Ugwuanyi must fall
They are seasoned politicians, with the knack for smart electioneering strategies. This strategy is simple. “Make the 16-for-16 agenda one of the desires to rupture the political system, feed this to the rest of Enugu youths, and create a movement which shall ride the crest of the Obi-Dient Movement.
“And, for not supporting this 16-for-16 Agenda, Governor Ugwuanyi must fall. His elective political career must be momentarily brought to a halt.”(Not their exact words).
It was astonishing, listening to the carefree lawyer who rattled, on the premises of the High Court. He could scarcely mask his rage.
First of all, let us understand why the Nsukka people appear to be so resentful of Governor Ugwuanyi, to the extent that they started with an armed struggle which lasted over six months, then followed it with this inexplicable embarrassment at the polls.
Did Governor Ugwuanyi actually fail his people of Enugu North (Nsukka)? Are his in-house media handlers to blame? Did he apply the wrong media strategy?
One Lagos based editor said that his media handlers are to blame. “They are as guilty as charged. They think that executive office media management is limited to handing over fat brown envelopes and turning back the journalists.”
When reminded that Ugwuanyi never really liked live media interactions, as was revealed, he quipped, “So, his projects also disliked media exposure?”
An analytical young friend, Ugochukwu Mba, argues, “Ugwuanyi was not pounded by his Nsukka brothers for not performing. Gburugburu performed, and greatly too, in favour of Nsukka people. He gave them everything. Just take a look at his appointments in almost every office in Enugu State. Gburugburu gave it all to his people. In most of the ministries, his people are lined up from Commissioner down to the clerks. 90 percent of the parastatals are headed by Nsukka people. The same goes for academic institutions. Look at the newly created Housing Estates and the allocation of lands that came with them. The NTA Estate, WTC Estate, Diamond Estate, Greater Enugu, etc. Nsukka people took over 80 per cent of the allocations. Some of the structures were personally erected by the governor and given to his Nsukka people. Look at the brand new university at Igbo Ano. When the Federal Government established a Federal Polytechnic, it was at Nsukka. Go to Nsukka and see the renewal of Nsukka Urban, among other edifying projects.”
So, why the hatred and eventual rejection?
“My Oga, the problem is that Gburugburu is not part of the sit-tight agenda of those Nsukka irredentists.”
Wow!
But how would a governor perform so well for his people, but got so rudely unrequited? “His people want all for now, and since he is not part of that agenda, he must be cut down.”
I was speechless. Indeed, the three new giant structures the governor erected in the headquarters of the Ministry of Justice, he named after three Nsukka jurists. So, how else can the man appease his people? Are they such ingrates?
According to the young man, what irritates most was that whereas the young Nsukka are playing the 16-for-16 Agenda, using the now fiery Obi-Dient activism, the youths of Enugu East and Enugu West (the actual Odi-Dients), are playing woke (political correctness) with the same Obi-dient Movement.” So, they are being duped.
Crawled-by-night…flight-by-day
I have been thinking long and hard about the power possibilities of an emergent crawl by night irredentists and Flight-by-day Obi-Dients. Whereas the genuine Obi-Dients are genuine, the others, schooled in masking their intensions, are garbed of the present political tour de force, just as had been the case in history of revolutions. During the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, there were persons captured by writers as “Monarchists at night, Bolsheviks in the day.” Of course, many Monarchists escaped the massacre and became parts of the new Communist Bolsheviks Order. Deep State actors are usually trained to function that way.
My friend had initially planned to work with the Labour Party as these contests unfolded. Like yours truly, he is an ardent supporter of the national Obi-Dient Movement. But having studied the regimes of opportunism of so called political “niche carvers,” I warned him and invited him to seek further clarifications with older players.
The attempt to resurrect the dying primordial sentiment in Nkanu, as the Labour Party desperately sought a foothold in Enugu East zone was quite nauseating to me. The ongoing offers, deals and percolations, all in the attempt to split the West, are crass opportunism. I told him, too.
These were also pointed out to us soon after we met a retired old war horse. He shook his head as he laughed at my friend: “So, you want to be a part of those who are exploiting the old anger and division in Nkanu land? You will be finished. You want to be part of those trying to bring back what everybody is working hard to forget? Try it. My dear, flee from those people. Flee from any man who capitalises on your disagreement with your wife to try to ‘do it’ with her”
We know. Backdoor channels are always possible in pursuit of most objectives in life. Many who have no understanding of the mechanics of spontaneous social changes may not even appreciate the national political current beating the shores. It is like a powerful storm, and it offers room for opportunism.
In the present case, in Enugu State, it already seems hijacked by this 16-for-16 Movement. They swear that they have never heard of Ebeano; they have all been angels; they are whiter than snows; and they are not of the old order. But in truth, they are the “crawled-by-night” as 16-for16 irredentists and Flight-by-day as Obi-Dients.
They have adorned the fashion in town – Obi-Dient Movement. The rest are clapping!
Shine your eyes!
Ogazimorah, one time Commissioner for Information Strategies, Culture and Tourism in Enugu State, is a Public Affairs Analyst and an Attorney at Law.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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