Politics
2027: SOUTH-EAST — NATIONAL RELEVANCE OR ETHNIC MASSAGING OF EGO?
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
Politics
BREAKING: SaharaReporters Report on Arrest of Enugu Traditional Ruler, Ex-Lawmaker Is False and Misleading
The recent publication by SaharaReporters alleging that prominent Enugu traditional ruler, Igwe Obiora Igwesi, his brother and former federal lawmaker, Hon. Uchenna Sunday A. Igwesi (USA Igwesi), and eight others were arrested over an alleged attack on an NDC ward meeting in Obuoffia, Nkanu West Local Government Area, is false and deeply misleading.
The report is being described as a deliberate attempt to damage the reputation of respected leaders in Enugu State and create unnecessary political tension ahead of the 2027 elections.
Contrary to the claims contained in the publication, there was no arrest ordered by the Inspector-General of Police against Igwe Obiora Igwesi, Hon. USA Igwesi, or the other individuals named in connection with any alleged attack on an NDC meeting. There was also no operation by detectives from Zone 13 Command, Ukpo, Dunukofia, Anambra State, as alleged in the report.
Similarly, the purported petition dated September 15, 2026, and the allegations of conspiracy, unlawful possession of firearms, attempted murder, assault, threatening violence and stealing are strongly disputed and described as fabricated claims intended to create a damaging narrative around the individuals concerned.
The broader allegation that the 17 Local Government Areas of Enugu State have experienced coordinated armed attacks allegedly sponsored by Local Government Chairmen to silence the opposition is equally rejected as unfounded.
Attempts to associate Igwe Obiora Igwesi and Hon. USA Igwesi with criminal activity or political violence are viewed as an unacceptable effort to tarnish the image of individuals who have served their communities and contributed to the development of Enugu State.
The public, particularly the people of Enugu State, is therefore urged to exercise caution and verify the facts independently before accepting or circulating the allegations contained in the SaharaReporters publication.
Enugu State remains focused on peace, stability and development. Political disagreements should not be allowed to degenerate into the circulation of unverified allegations capable of inflaming tensions or damaging the reputations of individuals.
The position being maintained by the affected parties is clear: there was no arrest of the named individuals in connection with the alleged incident, no evidence has been presented establishing that any Local Government Chairman sponsored an attack, and the allegations contained in the publication are disputed in their entirety.
The public is encouraged to await verifiable facts from the appropriate authorities rather than rely on claims that have not been independently substantiated.
Fresh legal questions emerge over Chijioke Ugwu’s membership registration after Supreme Court restores party-register provisions
By Our Correspondent
Fresh legal questions have emerged over the Peoples Democratic Party’s 2027 governorship ticket in Enugu State following the Supreme Court’s restoration of key provisions of the Electoral Act dealing with political party membership registers and the conduct of primaries.
The questions centre on Chief Chijioke Peter Ugwu, who was recently announced by the PDP governorship candidate, Chief Uche Geoffrey Nnaji, as his running mate.
Nnaji announced Ugwu’s selection on September 24, shortly after the Supreme Court delivered its landmark judgment restoring Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2) of the Electoral Act 2026. Ugwu’s selection was subsequently reported by several Nigerian media outlets.
But documents and information available to this newspaper raise a question that could potentially become significant if the PDP ticket is challenged in court.
The PDP governorship primary in Enugu State was conducted on May 25, 2026.
However, Ugwu is understood to have registered as a PDP member on May 31, 2026 — six days after the governorship primary.
This means that if the May 31 registration date is accurately reflected in the party’s official records, his name could not have appeared in the PDP membership register submitted to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) before the May 25 governorship primary.
That immediately raises the question:
Can a person who was not a member of the party on the date of its governorship primary subsequently be selected as the deputy governorship candidate without the Supreme Court’s restored membership-register provisions affecting the ticket?
What the Supreme Court restored
The Supreme Court, in a unanimous judgment delivered on September 24, set aside the Court of Appeal’s earlier decision which had declared the disputed provisions of the Electoral Act unconstitutional.
The apex court upheld the validity of Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2), following an appeal by INEC against the Court of Appeal judgment in the case involving the Zenith Labour Party.
Section 77(5) provides that only persons whose names are contained in a political party’s membership register submitted to INEC at least 21 days before a primary, congress or convention may participate in the exercise.
Section 77(6) requires political parties to use the membership register submitted to INEC for their primaries, congresses and conventions.
Section 77(7) deals with the consequence of failure by a party to submit its membership register within the prescribed period.
These provisions are now back in force following the Supreme Court judgment. Legal opinions suggest that the law’s insistence on the membership register submitted to INEC is relevant to the validity of the party’s eventual nomination process, depending on how the PDP formally nominated and submitted its governorship and deputy governorship candidates.
The precise documents will therefore be crucial.
Among the questions likely to arise are:
What date did the PDP submit its membership register to INEC?
Was Ugwu’s name contained in that register?
When exactly did Ugwu become a registered PDP member?
Was he a PDP member before the register was submitted to INEC?
How did the PDP formally nominate him as running mate?
Was the nomination made through a procedure recognised by the Electoral Act and the party’s constitution?
The controversy is coming at a sensitive time for the PDP, which has only recently unveiled Ugwu as Nnaji’s running mate. Ugwu, from Nguru in Nsukka Local Government Area, is an entrepreneur, philanthropist and community leader who runs businesses in logistics, contracting, consultancy and hospitality.
However, the governorship candidate and the deputy governorship candidate constitute a single electoral ticket. Therefore, any legal or constitutional issue affecting the eligibility of the deputy governorship candidate automatically has implications for the validity of the joint ticket, including the governorship candidate.
Another legal opinion available to this newspaper insists that “the gubernatorial ticket is a joint one. If the name of a deputy governor is not on the digital register, it invalidates the entire process.”
In the 2019 Bayelsa governorship election, APC’s David Lyon was declared winner. His running mate was Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo.
The Supreme Court later disqualified Degi-Eremienyo over the documents he submitted to INEC. The crucial point was that the Supreme Court held that his disqualification affected the joint ticket he shared with David Lyon. Consequently, the court ordered INEC to withdraw the Certificate of Return issued to Lyon and his deputy.
This happened one day before Lyon was due to be sworn in as governor. The certificate was subsequently issued to Douye Diri of the PDP, who had the next-highest lawful votes and the required geographical spread.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has announced that the collection of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) will commence nationwide on October 9.
The development has prompted calls for eligible voters to visit the INEC office in their respective Local Government Areas to collect their PVCs and ensure they are prepared to participate in the electoral process.
Meanwhile, supporters of Hon. Engr. Anayo Onwuegbu, Omeiheukwu Akpugoeze, have urged constituents in the Aninri/Awgu/Oji River Federal Constituency to support his bid for a second term in the Federal House of Representatives.
The supporters made the appeal while encouraging eligible residents to collect their PVCs and exercise their franchise in the forthcoming election.
Voters are advised to follow official INEC guidelines and verify the applicable collection procedures and dates before visiting their designated collection centres.
By Petrus Obi.
Like her or dislike her, Princess Ada Ogbu remains a political figure whose presence in the Enugu East senatorial contest cannot simply be ignored.
Her political relevance is not entirely a product of the current electoral season. It dates back to the 2023 general election, when she emerged as the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate for Enugu East Senatorial District and mounted a highly visible campaign.
Ogbu was the first woman to emerge as the APC senatorial candidate for the district. At the time, she publicly argued that Enugu politics was becoming more competitive and that voters, rather than established political structures, should determine who represented them. She also presented a programme centred on grassroots development, greater local government autonomy and rural infrastructure.
She ultimately lost the election, but the circumstances surrounding that contest remain an important part of the political history of Enugu East.
The original Labour Party candidate, Oyibo Chukwu, was killed days before the National Assembly election. Following his death, his younger brother, Kelvin Chukwu, emerged as the Labour Party’s replacement candidate. The election was subsequently postponed, and Kelvin Chukwu went on to win the seat with 69,136 votes, defeating former governor Chimaroke Nnamani, who polled 48,701 votes.
It would therefore be too simplistic to interpret the 2023 result solely as a referendum on the individual candidates.
The death of Oyibo Chukwu dramatically altered the circumstances of the contest and introduced an emotional dimension that was difficult to separate from the election itself.
Whether Ada Ogbu would have won under different circumstances remains a matter of political interpretation.
What is less disputable is that she demonstrated an ability to take her campaign beyond the traditional political circles. In an interview during the 2023 campaign, she said she had visited communities across the senatorial district and taken her message directly to the people. She also outlined proposals covering rural development, local government administration, roads, healthcare and agricultural access.
That history is significant because the political environment facing candidates today is different from the one they faced in 2023.
The electorate is increasingly being presented with a straightforward question: what exactly will each candidate do with the mandate if elected?
Party affiliation alone may not provide a sufficient answer. Neither should name recognition.
Again, Ada Ogbu has taken an active lead in the campaign and has sought to demonstrate what has changed since 2023, what she has learnt from that experience and what concrete legislative and constituency programmes she would pursue if given another opportunity.
Her supporters point to her campaign activities, public engagements and policy proposals as evidence of seriousness, character and commitment. Those claims, however, will ultimately be tested by voters against the records and programmes of all the candidates.
The same standard should apply to every contender.
A candidate who has been in office should be assessed against his or her record. A candidate who has never held the office should be assessed largely against the feasibility, clarity and credibility of the programme being presented to voters.
This is where the forthcoming contest could become particularly interesting.
Ada Ogbu has an established electoral history in the district. She has already tested her political structure against other major candidates, campaigned extensively and placed specific policy ideas before the electorate. Her previous campaign also gave voters an opportunity to assess her communication style and political positioning.
There is also a broader dimension to Ada Ogbu’s political journey.
Her emergence in 2023 was significant in a political environment where women remained considerably underrepresented in elective positions in the South-East. Contemporary reporting at the time noted that she was the only woman among the major candidates to secure a senatorial ticket in Enugu State.
That makes her candidacy part of the wider conversation about women’s participation in politics and representation in the South-East.
The real test, therefore, should go beyond gender, party structure, political connections or previous electoral performance.
Can the candidate articulate a realistic development agenda?
Can the candidate explain how that agenda would be financed and implemented?
Can the candidate demonstrate an understanding of the specific problems confronting Enugu East’s urban and rural communities?
Can the candidate distinguish constituency representation from the responsibilities of a senator?
And perhaps most importantly, can the candidate convince voters that the promises being made during the campaign can translate into measurable results?
For Ada Ogbu, these questions present both an opportunity and a challenge.
Her 2023 campaign means she is not an unknown quantity. Her previous political activity gives voters something against which to measure her present claims.
Ultimately, the Enugu East contest should not be reduced to the question of Ada Ogbu’s growing visibility or the perceived strength of her opponents.
The more useful question is what each candidate is putting before the electorate and whether those promises are realistic, measurable and relevant to the people of the senatorial district.
That is where the real political contest should be decided: by what each candidate offers, the credibility of those promises and how convincingly each candidate addresses the needs of the people of Enugu East.
By Petrus Obi
Youths from the Oru area of Imo State have warned the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, against what they described as continued attacks on the state Governor, Hope Uzodimma, following the minister’s latest comments on the governor’s political ambitions.
The youths, in a statement signed by Hon Chinemerem Obi, said Wike should refrain from interfering in the internal political affairs of Imo State, insisting that the political future of Governor Uzodimma and the people of the state should be determined through democratic processes.
Their reaction followed Wike’s appearance on TVC’s Journalists’ Hangout on Monday, where the minister said he would not support Uzodimma for the position of Senate President after the 2027 elections.
Wike alleged that some APC governors were attempting to influence the emergence of lawmakers who would support their preferred candidate for Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives.
He specifically linked the disagreement to Uzodimma, alleging that the Imo governor was positioning himself to become Senate President after leaving office.
According to Wike, Uzodimma’s tenure as governor would end in 2028 and he was allegedly planning to leave office, contest for the Senate and subsequently seek the Senate presidency.
Wike said he would not support the reported ambition.
The minister’s comments have drawn a fresh response from groups in Imo, with the Oru youths accusing him of turning a political disagreement into what they described as a personal campaign against the governor.
The youths said Wike’s opposition to Uzodimma’s reported Senate ambition was a political position to which he was entitled, but argued that the minister should not use his position to dictate the political choices of Imo people.
They also questioned why Wike was repeatedly focusing on Uzodimma amid the wider disagreement between him and APC governors over his proposed Rainbow Coalition.
The coalition has been promoted by Wike as a platform to mobilise support for President Bola Tinubu’s re-election in 2027, despite Wike remaining a member of the Peoples Democratic Party.
Wike has maintained that supporting Tinubu for president does not require politicians to support APC candidates in governorship or legislative elections.
The Oru youths said the reported ambition to become Senate President remained a political aspiration and should not be presented as an established fact.
They urged Wike to allow Imo voters and the relevant political institutions to determine who represents them at the National Assembly and who eventually emerges as Senate President.
The allegation about Uzodimma’s Senate presidency ambition has also been made publicly by APC chieftain Tajudeen Olesin, who recently claimed that the governor planned to resign before the end of his tenure, contest for the Senate and seek the Senate presidency. That claim was presented as Olesin’s assertion, rather than an announcement by Uzodimma himself.
The youths further appealed to political leaders in the Southeast to avoid statements that could deepen political divisions in the region.
They maintained that disagreements over the 2027 elections, legislative contests and political succession should be settled through democratic engagement rather than personal exchanges.
The development comes amid increasing political tension between Wike and several APC governors over the minister’s political activities ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Earlier, a group identified as Imo Lawyers for the Defence of Democracy also called on Wike to stop what it described as personal attacks on Uzodimma, arguing that political disagreements should be addressed through dialogue and democratic institutions.
The latest controversy is expected to keep the political relationship between Wike and Uzodimma under close scrutiny as preparations for the 2027 elections intensify.
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