Opinion
2023 GOVERNORSHIP ELECTION IN ENUGU STATE: THE DILEMMA OF VOTERS
By Cally Ebue
On 28th September, 2022, The Nigeria electoral umpire, the Independent National Election Commission (INEC) officially lifted the ban on electioneering campaign nationwide for candidates to begin to sell their manifestos to the electorates, a golden opportunity for those who are without scruples and desperate, to begin to sell what they do not own and promise what is not theirs to give. Even before that date, politicians had already started campaigning unofficially, which they christened consultations.
Enugu state, one of the states where gubernatorial election will take place is faced with difficult choice, not because of paucity of gubernatorial candidates, but the dilemma of electing a round peg in a round hole of governance in the state, which had been the bane of the state since the advent of the current democratic dispensation in 1999. Unfortunately, good governance had become a luxury too expensive for Enugu State to afford.
Today, the electorates have been more exposed and conscious of the power of their votes and thinking seriously about James Russell Lowel admonition that democracy gives every man the right to be his own oppressor, the right to choose his own oppressor if he made the wrong choice.
The longing for a paradigm shift in the political leadership of the state as a result of inept leadership of successive PDP administrations in the state since 1999, is beginning to gain momentum like the Obedient movement.
Former United States President Dwight Eisenhower made it clear that only if basically the democracy of our day satisfies the mental, moral and physical wants of the masses living under it, can it continue to exist.
This was the unfortunate situation the people of Enugu State found themselves under PDP, beginning with Senator(Dr) Chimaroke Nnamani in 1999. His service records wasn’t edifying in the least. For him the mere possession of power was an end in itself. He does not care about the cost in Naira or Dollars and a more precious currency- human integrity, as long as he gained power. A good student of ROBBER THEORY that all power is for mastery and HIRELING THEORY that all power is for wealth.
Chimaroke was a man who never shrinks from violence and intimidation of his opponents of whatever hue. For eight years, he occupied the political landscape of Enugu State like a colossus, conducted the affairs of the state like a demigod. For eight years he stagnated the work force of Enugu State with his famous dictum. “When you owe workers for three months straight, they would be preoccupied thinking when the next salary would come, but pay them regularly as at when due, they would start thinking about embarking on strike” He maintained this policy until the end of his tenure
While he was owing workers, he wasted the state resources on ego trip “Lecture Series” across the federation packaged for him by Chief Ayogu Eze, Ogazimorah and Festus Adedayo. Senator Chimaroke Nnamani never won any election fair and square beginning with PDP primaries in 1999. In 2003, governorship election, he woefully lost at the ballot box, but due to other variables, he was declared winner by INEC at a great cost to the state. His credo was that people votes don’t matter, that was why he absconded during voting for the introduction of electronic transmission of results at the red chamber.
All these while, his protégés, former Chief of Staff, and Commissioner for Finance Dr. Peter Mbah, now PDP governorship candidate; Frank Nweke Jr. former, Coordinator, Community County Council Enugu State, Chief of Staff and Ministers of Information, nominated by him, now APGA gubernatorial candidate and Uchenna Nnaji ( Nwakibeya ) the famous original place holder, now APC candidate, were all cheer leaders in the CIRCUIT COURT of EBEANO political dynasty. They were all hailers of the infamy that characterised the Chimaroke Nnaman’s administration for eight years. Today they all wanted to resurrect the EBEANO monster from its ashes under different political parties platforms.
Still retrospective on PDP era in Enugu State, Barr. Sullivan Chime took over from his classmate Chimaroke Nnamani as Governor of Enugu State in 2007. Sullivan Chime could have been an exception, he could have made a difference in the governance of Enugu State, but unfortunately, his human capital development was next to zero. His belief in the good shepherd theory of power was eroded by the elitist nature of his administration.
First of all, he demolished the former Ikenga Hotels quarters that were allocated to low income civil servants and built Coal City Gardens on the land, expecting the poor civil servants who were displaced to pay #39,000,000 for one duplex. He ought to have used the land to build low income houses that would be affordable to the original alotees that were displaced. How can that be? Such ” dregs” of the society have no column in his agenda.
Secondly, he he also demolished land mark colonial legacies in Enugu to give way to an ultramodern state Secretariat Complex that has not been completed up til today inspite of humongous resources expended on it. Beyond that, his greatest Achilles heel and albatross around his neck was that he was besmirched by the witchery and wiles of feminity, abandoning critical decisions of his administration in the hands of his Chief of Staff Ifeoma Nwobodo. This led to another seven years of PDP under the watch of Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi the incumbent Governor of the state. Story for another day.
Labour Party candidate Chijoke Edeoga. Is he who is to come or shall we look for another? Before answering the question, let’s have a peep into his antecedents. He is a protege of Nwodo dynasty. Married to the first daughter of Grace Obayi nee Nwodo. He got his first major public service job as one of Okwesilieze Nwodo’s speech writers at government house Enugu in 1993 during the ill-fated Third Republic.
From there, his astronomical rise in politics starting from Chairman Isi- Uzo LGA, member House of Representatives, representing Isi- Uzo/Enugu East Federal Constituency, back to Enugu state as Commissioner under Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, had the imprimatur of Okwesilieze Nwodo a former National Secretary and Chairman of PDP.
He contested for PDP governorship candidate and lost to Peter Mbah. As we all know, quest for power is the stock in trade for our politicians, therefore, alliances were conveniently arranged and are seldom permanent, shifting with the pressures of the time and advantages of the moment, Edeoga moved to contest under the platform of Labour Party, even when his Obedient status is still doubtful.
All the above candidates of these major four political parties were die in wool PDP stalwarts, divided into two political camps – the EBEANO political dynasty and the Nwodo’s political dynasty. The contradictions in all these were that the godfather of Chijoke Edeoga Okwesilieze Nwodo, is highly Artikulated, while the founder and mastermind of EBEANO dynasty Chimaroke Nnamani is an unapologetic BAT supporter. And yet, they wanted us to vote for their candidates. Duplicity of unimaginably proportion.
Apart from Chijoke Edeoga candidate of the Labour Party, who belongs to the Nwodo’s political dynasty, the other three candidates, Peter Mbah, PDP, Frank Nweke Jr, APGA, and Uche Nnaji APC, have cult loyalty to Chimaroke Nnamani, he made all of them. Therefore, voting any of them amounts to devils alternative, because it will not change the narrative or the trajectory of political leadership in the state. Enugu State will be stocked with another era of PDP of either political dynasty even if it is wearing a different political garb.
Be that as it may, there are other candidates contesting in other political parties, the electorates should begin now to x-ray their antecedents and pedigree, they should not limit their choice to candidates already mentioned above. Enugu people/voters shine your eyes kpom
Cally Ebue
(Secretary NUJ Enugu State Council 2003-2006)
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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