Opinion
2023: While we wait for the manifestoes – By Anayo Agu
The People’s Democratic Party (PDP), reputed for its internal cohesion, national outlook and ability to resolve internal differences appears at this auspicious time unwilling or unable to put behind itself the fallouts of its presidential primary held in May 2022.
While this unnecessary war of attrition is raging, His Excellency Peter Obi is causing a big stir across Nigeria and everywhere else Nigerians reside around the world.
He is doing so with gutsy and unusual boldness against all odds. Obi’s team is masterfully leveraging the “ripple effect” principle of social mobilization.
We had a glimpse of the ripple effect model during the “End SARS” protests championed by Nigerian youths. It turns out that before the “Obidient Movement” hit Enugu State, the chatter in the social media had clearly shown that a number of stakeholders across political parties had adopted an attitude of “Siddon Look.”
According to such people, the political process, especially the recruitment of candidates for elections had become an expensive and very intriguing conspiracy of the elite. So they had just opted to siddon look.Siddon look (which actually means, sit down and look) is a “pidgin English “catch phrase coined by Chief Bola Ige, Nigeria’s assassinated Federal Attorney General and Minster of Justice under President Olusegun Obasanjo, and one of Nigeria’s most daring, eloquent and resourceful politicians.
When the 10th Military Head of State of Nigeria, General Sani Abacha, announced his decision to midwife a transition to a constitutional democracy in 1997, Chief Bola Ige was among those who smelt a rat. Like a few of his discerning contemporaries, he queried the honesty of purpose of “the maximum ruler” who had cleverly positioned himself to be unanimously nominated as the sole presidential candidate of the five political parties he had secretly bankrolled.
Chief Ige declined to join the frenzy calling the five parties “five fingers of a leprous hand.” As a result, he adopted an attitude he aptly described as “Siddon Look,” an enlightened indifference to the national malaise. The beauty of democracy is the freedom and the liberties it guarantees the citizens, and the free space it provides political aspirants to contest ideas, debate principles and interrogate prevailing practices as they seek to convince party members as well as voters that their agendas are not only superior, but also in the best interest of the electorate.
When this essential tenet is lost or surrendered for whatever reason, an irreversible damage is done to the spirit of democracy. According to Albert Einstein, “The world is a dangerous place, not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing.”
PDP has had a rare privilege of governing Enugu State since 1999. While the scorecard is substantially commendable, the party needs to renew its mindset as well as install a new operating system to seize opportunities and meet challenges under the present dispensation.
There’s also the necessity to urgently figure out how to make the most of the huge trade and investment potentials the state offers, and what strategy to use to tackle rising insecurity in rural communities and farms. Otherwise the party may face an uphill task retaining “continuity” as its campaign slogan, and leveraging the goodwill it has garnered from the electorate over the past 23+ years.
At a time like this, according to Charles Darwin, “it is not the strongest of the species that survive, or the most intelligent, but the one more responsive to change.” Perhaps, I should urge the party leadership even at the risk of being misunderstood to consider comparing notes with Lagos State, which has had a similar experience of continuity since the return of democracy in 1999. It is fortuitous that the PDP gubernatorial candidate, Barrister Peter Ndubuisi Mbah has had an enviable tenure and a rewarding experience investing and doing business in Lagos State. And his slogan, “Tomorrow is Here” suggests that he is ready for a “Moon Shot.” Benchmarking is a fast-track, learning process and a world-acclaimed tool of performance improvement.
Benchmarking Lagos can bring new perspectives to the essence of continuity as a political philosophy. After all, success leaves clues even in political domains. That’s why great companies as well as advanced nations of the world, friends and foes, are always keeping tabs on one another. According to Mother Teresa, “I cannot change the world, but I can cast a stone across the waters to create ripples.”Permit me, please, to stand on her wisdom to make the following suggestions:
ECONOMIC FREEDOM: entrepreneurship and business thrives where there is economic freedom, and where public institutions are galvanized toward fueling creativity and empowering innovation. Enugu State is strategically located to serve as an economic hub for the South East as well as a transit for goods heading to and coming from Northern Nigeria.
The beauty of it is that our commercial environment already has all the raw ingredients required to boost the private sector, significantly reduce poverty, create employment, and give internally generated revenue a quantum leap. To do that, however, the next government must prioritize the economy by reforming and investing heavily in the critical institutions that drive private sector growth and development.
For instance, the state can follow the footsteps of Lagos State that has successfully transformed its Ministry of Commerce and Industry, created and equipped functional entrepreneurial/skills development centers across the state, and mastered and effectively leverages public-private partnership.
In his 2021 budget, His Excellency Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuayi recognized and cited the imperative of building a model enterprise peculiar to each of the seventeen local government areas in Enugu State. In addition, the state should remodel and equip its agric extension facilities and repurpose some of its critical commercial interests.
TOURISM AND HOSPITALITY: Enugu State is the birthplace of Nollywood and music icons such as Flavor and Phino. It is the converging point of Igbo politicians, the intelligentsia and the business moguls. This traditional role is taking a new dimension as insecurity heightens in Igbo land. To harness the opportunities offered by its geographic location, Enugu State Government needs to complete and commission abandoned tourism and hospitality infrastructures in the state.
They include the legacy Hotel Presidential and the stalked Conference Center started by the administration of His Excellency Senator Chimaroke Nnamani more than 16 years ago. Those facilities and others like them are strategic state assets currently depreciating in value every passing day. Above all, Enugu State needs to be rebranded as a destination of choice for investment, tourism, entertainment, and conferences, rather than a docile, civil-service state.
A GAME OF WIT, STRENGTH & RESOURCEFULLNESS: The sound bites we’re already getting from different stakeholder groups across Nigeria suggest that the 2023 campaign and elections will be a game of wit, strength, and resourcefulness with a candidate’s track record, attitude, and leadership skills serving as critical mobilization factors. The ability to hold opposing ideas, to thrive in an environment of shifting variables, and to navigate through the mucky swamps of our ethno-religious labyrinths will be strategic assets.
In Enugu State, the stewardship of our common wealth will be a hot campaign theme. The question of a candidate’s conscientious commitment to the “triangular equilibrium,” to justice, equity and fairness in the management of our patrimony will be tested. The premise of the triangular equilibrium is the fact that a progressive state, like a productive system cannot be built by an obsessive focus on anyone of its parts. The key to sustainable development is the adoption of system’s mindset, and a holistic approach in policy design and project implementation.
In conclusion, I think that now that we have achieved a measure of peace in the state, it’s time to renew our minds, and to seek a new model of reality to instigate some breakthroughs in the economy by prioritizing certain industry sectors such as investment, agriculture, and tourism. Bearing this agenda in mind and recognizing the complexity of our political environment, let’s go for a governorship candidate who has a clear vision of the issues at stake and a definite plan of implementation. This is a season of shepherd-entrepreneurial leadership. Hope, good intentions and rhetoric are not a winning strategy to fight the existential war staring us in the face. We need an achiever whose faith in Enugu State is a rock.
Anayo Agu wrote from Enugu
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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