Opinion
The Lies About Ekweremadu and South East Roads
By Uche Anichukwu
Among Ndigbo, we say, “ _Onwu gbuo okorobia, ewere asiri jee akwa ya”,_ meaning: when sudden death befalls an able-bodied, young man, many fallacious stories are told at his funeral. Indeed many tales have been told since the unfortunate fate that befell former Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Ike Ekweremadu, and his family in London.
Only a few days ago, one Houston-based critic vomited a whole lot about Ekweremadu with triumphal gusto and air of finality. Among others, he wrote: “I had always told the senator in his face and written extensively on how he used his time in the Senate to collude with contractors to loot the funds budgeted for several public projects in Igbo land. These, of course, include Enugu/Onitsha, Enugu/Port-Harcourt, and Oji-River/Awgu roads, which have continued to claim many innocent lives. A simple scan of the internet on my name alongside Ekweremadu will show more, including a library, water, and road projects that were looted in my hometown of Ugbo, Enugu State”.
He also added: “One of the perceived prophesies is that I never ceased to tutor the senator on the genius of the adage: ‘A tree does not make a forest.’… Senator Ike Ekweremadu made sure that none of his political associates from his area could rise or shine”.
The irony of it all is that this man’s community, Ugbo, in Awgu LGA, is one of the greatest beneficiaries of Ekweremadu’s sojourn in the Senate, be it in terms of infrastructural projects or human capital development, regular employments, and political empowerment. Beside the asphalt road network across the length and breath of the hilly community, the water projects, electricity etc., which Ekweremadu attracted to Ugbo, the slanderer’s kinsman and political scion of Ekweremadu, Hon. Toby Okechukwu, rose from being Ekweremadu’s Special Adviser to becoming a three-term Member of the House of Representatives and incumbent Deputy Minority Leader of the House of Representatives. This has had a multiplier effect in development projects, employments, etc. in Ugbo in particular, and Enugu West, Enugu State and the South East in general. Ekweremadu also facilitated the appointment of the critic’s elder brother, Dr. Alex Ogbonnia, into federal boards and subsequently as Special Adviser to Deputy President of the Senate. In appreciation for all these, the three autonomous communities of Ugbo came together to confer a chieftaincy title of Onwa na-etiri ora (Moon that shines for all) of Ugbo on Ekweremadu in 2011.
Instructively, although this senseless falsehood that funds voted for the reconstruction of South East roads were diverted by Ekweremadu into buying properties formed the core of the mischievous petition to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in 2016 (in a bid to exploit the adverse relationship between the executive and legislature following Ekweremadu’s emergence as presiding officer from opposition and Dr. Bukola Saraki’s emergence without the blessings of the “powers that be”, EFCC has not told anyone that it traced such funds to Ekweremadu after six years of investigating him. The asset forfeiture lawsuit is based on EFCC’s claim that Ekweremadu’s properties are above his “legitimate income” as a former Local Government Council Chairman, Chief of Staff at Enugu Government House, Secretary to Enugu State Government, five-term Senator, three-term Deputy President of the Senate, former Deputy Speaker and Speaker of ECOWAS Parliament as well as a legal practitioner.
Absurd and meretricious as this sounds, I will not go into it since it is subjudice. However, it suffices to observe that right-thinking Nigerians have continued to flay this strange arrangement where a Nigerian public officer is being called to prove his innocence (from his overseas detention) over his alleged assets contrary to the well-held dictum and practice that he who alleges, proves. This judicial ambush tells an entire story on its own. It is reminiscent of the July 24, 2018 siege when the EFCC led hosts of security agents to storm Ekweremadu’s official residence at about 4am without previous invitation as though they came for Osama bin Laden. At the same material time, battalions of security agents already laid siege to Dr. Saraki’s residence during the failed attempt to impeach them illegally.
Elementary knowledge of government tells us that the legislature makes laws, including the Appropriation Acts, while the executive implements them. As it were, Ekweremadu has never been a governor, minister, and director-general of any federal or state government agency. He has not been in a position to administer public funds, except as a local government council chairman between 1997 and 1998 when he was voted the best council chairman at the time.
A striking irony in the whole fallacy of Ekweremadu’s culpability for the state of South East roads is that Chief Olusegun Obasanjo could not reconstruct the Lagos-Ibadan road in the eight years that he was President, and the same goes for Abeokuta road.
I travelled by road from Port Harcourt to Yenogoa in November 2020. Obviously, Goodluck Jonathan could not fix the single most important road in the Niger Delta, the East-West road, for the little over five years he was president. I equally travelled from Yenegoa to Otuoke during that trip. It was not paved with gold. In July 2021, Niger Delta youths barricaded the East-West road last year to protest the state of that road.
Just like the Enugu-Onitsha road, travelling on Abuja-Minna Road or Bida-Minna Road is never a pleasant experience. In 2019 and again in 2020, the people of Niger State staged protests, blocking Abuja-Minna road for hours to register their displeasure. In September 2021, truck drivers barricaded the Bida-Mokwa-Kwara road in protest. Malam Abdullahi Mohammed, a tanker driver, lamented to the News Agency of Nigeria, saying, “The Bida/Lapai/Lambata road is completely bad. We sleep there for two or three days before getting to our destinations”. Let us bear in mind that Niger State produced two military Heads of State.
Furthermore, right from the days of Yar’Adua to President Buhari administration, the Kano-Katsina road is still work in progress.
Yet these are roads in the areas that have produced Nigerian Heads of State and I do not think they are pleased with the situation. It is therefore total ignorance or deliberate malice to argue that a lawmaker syphoned contract sums for South East roads when even successive CEOs (presidents) of Nigeria, who supposedly provided the funds, cannot boast of better roads in their regions and hometowns.
As could be seen, the poor state of our roads is a national and systemic problem not peculiar to any region. The root cause is our wrong road funding and governance models. Instead of concessioning our roads to the private sector, we are still depending on annual budgets, which are a far cry from reality and hardly released. When government announces award of a N10 billion road contract, for instance, it does not mean that N10 billion was released. Such funds are released to the Ministry in tranches and sparingly. Most times, completed parts fall apart before a new tranche is released. It is so bad that during budget defence in 2021, Minister of Works and Housing, Babatunde Fashola, called for embargo on new road contracts pending the funding and completion of ongoing projects.
He has underscored the challenges yet again in the ongoing budget defence at the National Assembly. He said: “The main challenge to highways development in the country remains inadequate funding. As at date, the government is committed to highway contractors to the tune of about N10.4trillion while a total of about N765billion are unpaid certificates for executed works.
“As at October 2022, the Ministry had a cumulative unpaid certificate in the sum of N765,017,139,752.92 for ongoing highway and bridge projects. Apart from the pressure of resources to pay, there is the inadequacy of annual budget provisions where N100 million or N200 million was provided for roads costing N20 billion or more”.
The truth is that the only roads guaranteed to succeed as of now are those captured under the Presidential Infrastructural Development Fund (PIDF) managed by the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA) because they do not depend on the unrealistic and yearly budget. They are notably the Lagos-Ibadan highway, the Abuja-Kano highway, and the Second Nigeria Bridge. By the way, it took the strategic thinking of Hon. Toby Okechukwu as the Chairman of the House Committee on Works in the 8th NASS and Ekweremadu to move the Second Niger Bridge from the stranded PPP arrangement with Julius Berger to the NSIA through the magnanimity of Fashola.
Besides funding, the initial serious flaw in the engineering design of the Enugu-Onitsha road by the Ministry of Works contributed to the delay in the reconstruction of that road. The built portions were collapsing such that even the contractors, RCC, were not willing to continue. The government had to either re-award it or redesign it. Ekweremadu and some other South East stakeholders preferred to have it redesigned than get an undurable road. In redesigning it, polymer, some level of filter (sand), cement, double binder (instead of the initial single binder), etc., were added. Anyone, who has plied the reconstructed portions would attest to the difference.
Apart from the usual funding challenge, the summary of the story of Oji-Achi-Mmaku-Awgu road, is that the Federal Government awarded it to a contractor that lacked the capacity for such a challenging topography. Unfortunately, successive Ministers of Works neglected to annul and rearward the contract despite recommendations by successive National Assembly Committees on Works after each oversight visit. Only Fashola could take that bold step in 2018 and it was awarded to SETRACO Nigeria after ten wasted years. The great work done on that road since then is there for the world to see.
By way of epilogue, although sacks of tales are taken to the funeral of an able-bodied man, the good thing is that it is not yet Ekweremadu’s funeral, by God’s grace. Those hastily composing a dirge, hurrying to bury a breathing man will have to cloth themselves in long, flowing gowns of patience because God is still on the throne. As Ekweremadu always says, the just shall be vindicated and the wicked will never go unpunished.
_Anichukwu is Media Adviser to Senator Ekweremadu_
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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