Politics
5.1 million voters elect Imo, Bayelsa, Kogi govs today
After months of campaigns and preparations by the various stakeholders, voters in Bayelsa, Imo and Kogi states will on Saturday (today) elect their new governors.
In the three states, the Independent National Electoral Commission had revealed that 5,169,692 voters collected their permanent voter cards out of the 5,409,438 registered voters in the three states.
In Bayelsa State, the data on INEC’s website indicated that there are 1,056,862 registered voters, out of which 1,017,613 collected their PVCs, while 39,249 PVCs remained uncollected.
In Imo State, there are 2,419,922 registered voters, out of which 2,318,919 collected their PVCs, while 101,003 PVCs have not been collected. And in Kogi State, out of the 1,932,654 registered voters, 1,833,160 collected their PVCs, leaving 99,494 PVCs uncollected.
Meanwhile, in Bayelsa and Imo states, incumbent governors, Douye Diri and Hope Uzodimma, are respectively seeking re-election, while 18 candidates are jostling to succeed incumbent Governor Yahaya Bello in Kogi State.
In Imo State, the governor and candidate of the All Progressives Congress is contesting against 17 other candidates, with Samuel Anyanwu of the Peoples Democratic Party, and Athan Achonu of the Labour Party described as the top contenders.
Other candidates include Uchenna Okere of Accord Party; Jack Ogunewe of Action Alliance; Ifeanyi Awulonu of African Action Congress; Otumbadi Okoroma of African Democratic Congress; Steve Nwoga of Action Democratic Party; Anthony Ejiogu of All Progressives Grand Alliance; Chibuike Edoziem of Allied Peoples Movement; Obieze Achilike of Action Peoples Party; and Isaac Iwuanyanwu of Boot Party.
Others are Ben Ofunzeh of New Nigeria Peoples Party; Cole Okwara of National Rescue Movement; Ishiodu Uchechukwu of People’s Redemption Party; Bright Ekwebelem of Social Democratic Party; Chino Opara of Young Progressives Party; and Andy Chibuike of the Zenith Labour Party.
While Uzodimma had expressed confidence that he would win the election based on his performance in the last four years, Anyanwu, Achonu and other contenders boasted respectively that they would defeat the governor, saying he had performed woefully in his first term and did not deserve to be re-elected.
In Bayelsa State, the governor and PDP candidate in the election is also seeking re-election. He is contesting against 15 other candidates, with Timipre Sylva of the APC described as the top contender in the race. Sylva is a former governor of the state and is the immediate past Minister of State for Petroleum Resources under former President Muhammadu Buhari.
Other candidates include Eradiri Udengmobofa of the Labour Party; Oguara Nengimonyo of ADP; Ogege Mercy of APP; Idikio Jones of Accord Party, Bufumoh Alex of AA; Kalango Davies of ADC; Subiri Joseph of APGA; Osharikeni Saturday of APM; and Ben Magbodo of Boot Party.
Others include Azebi Ayabeke of the NNPP; Micah Akeems of NRM; Ozato Erepadei of PRP; Osuluku Binaleyefa of SDP and Simeon Karrioru of ZLP.
While the governor said his performance in the last four years would earn him re-election, the other candidates boasted they would win the election following what they described as the governor’s poor performance.
In Kogi State, the race is said to be between APC’s Usman Ododo, PDP’s Dino Melaye, SDP’s Muri Ajaka, and ADC’s Leke Abejide.
Other candidates are Adejo Okeme of the Labour Party, Fatima Suleiman of the ZLP, Musa Mubarak of the NNPP, Muhammed Umar of Boot Party, Onaji Frank of the APP, Isah Dauda of APM, Ilonah Kingsley of APGA, Elukpo Julius of ADP and Buraimoh Olayinka of Action Alliance.
In the three states, there have been incidences of violence with persons killed and some others injured. This had led to anxiety in the states, with the police and other security agencies assuring voters of their safety in the election.
NSA promises security
Meanwhile, the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, has assured residents of the three states of their security during the exercise as he warned political actors against any act of violence. He warned that there would be severe consequences for anyone found trying to disrupt the election.
A statement on Friday by the Head, Strategic Communication, Office of the NSA, Zakari Mijinyawa, quoted Ribadu as saying a monitoring system had been established with monitors deployed in the field to collect evidence of violence and irregularities.
The statement noted, “The National Security Adviser assures residents of Kogi, Bayelsa, and Imo states of security preparedness during the elections. He warns against violence by political actors and charges security agencies to adhere to professional code of ethics during the exercise.
“The NSA vows that there will be severe consequences for anyone who is found to have disrupted the conduct of elections or abused his authority. The NSA, who is the Co-Chair of the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, charged all security, intelligence, and law enforcement officers deployed for election security duties to conduct themselves creditably.”
INEC vows upload
INEC on Friday also restated its readiness to upload polling unit results on its INEC Result Viewing portal, noting that it had made arrangements for land and maritime transportation to ensure that voting commences on time.
INEC’s Resident Electoral Commissioner in Kogi State, Dr Hale Longpet, at a press briefing in Lokoja, the state capital, said, “I wish to call on our officials, both regular and ad hoc, to demonstrate the highest level of patriotism and professionalism. The choice of who becomes the governor of Bayelsa, Imo and Kogi states is entirely in the hands of voters.
“We have delivered all sensitive and non-sensitive materials for the elections. The Bimodal Voter Accreditation System has been configured for deployment to polling units as the only means of voter verification and fingerprint/facial biometric authentication of voters. Polling unit results will be uploaded to the INEC Result Viewing portal.”
INEC offices manned
To avert any breakdown of law and order or any attack on INEC facilities, our correspondents observed heavy security presence at INEC offices in the three states.
In Bayelsa State, there was heavy security at the INEC office in Swali, Yenagoa Local Government Area of the state on Friday when one of our correspondents visited. The entrance to the office was cordoned off by heavily armed soldiers as they mounted a blockade with sandbags, while persons entering the facility were subjected to a thorough search.
Also, three police patrol vans and an Armoured Personnel Carrier were stationed at strategic locations leading to the INEC office. Soldiers were seen around the premises while policemen patrolled major streets of Yenagoa and other communities.
The operatives seen in about three vans, with some hooded, drove dangerously through the Swali axis, near the INEC office, to Ekeki, Azikoro and Okaka axis of Yenagoa, as they chanted warning songs.
Less than 24 hours to the election, violence erupted at the Twon-Brass jetty in the Brass Local Government Area of the state. One of our correspondents learnt that supporters of the APC and PDP clashed over where electoral materials meant for the area would be stored ahead of the election.
The officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission deployed in the area were trying to offload the electoral materials when the violence occurred. It could not be confirmed if the electoral materials were sensitive or non-sensitive items.
Some sources alleged that Brass LG PDP chairman, identified as Bara Daniel, was injured in the head during the scuffle that ensued. It took the intervention of some military personnel to restore normalcy.
In Kogi State, there was also heavy security around the INEC office. One of our correspondents observed on Friday the heavy presence of military, police and Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps personnel in Lokoja, the state capital, as citizens went about their daily activities.
Meanwhile, an APC chieftain in the state, Dr Friday Makama, on Friday debunked reports that he was arrested by soldiers.
Mamaka, who is the Director-General of the Kogi State Special Task Force on Illegal Smuggling of Firearms and other related crimes, said though he was not arrested, some chieftains of the party were arrested at Itobe Bridge along Ajaokuta-Ayingba Road on Friday by military men for allegedly being in possession of certain sum of money.
Also in Imo State, armed security men were also seen around INEC offices in Owerri, the state capital, and the commission’s offices in all the local government areas. A security source told Saturday PUNCH that the numerous attacks on INEC offices in the state necessitated the heavy deployment around the commission’s offices.
Apathy, violence fears
There were fears in many parts of Imo State on Friday that there might be voter apathy following the possible eruption of violence.
Our correspondents who spoke to voters in different parts of the state feared that many people might stay away from the exercise so as not to be victims of violence. Some others also said they had lost confidence in the ability of INEC to conduct credible elections and stay impartial.
A motorist who identified himself as Lucky said he would not vote given the outcome of the 2023 general elections.
“I will not vote in the election. I will stay in my house. I am discouraged by the outcome of the last general election. INEC disappointed Nigerians. It is obvious that our votes will not count.”
There were also fears that the election may not start in some areas as scheduled, given that some ad hoc staff and policemen had yet to board buses that would take them to their places of assignment as of 5pm on Friday.
Some policemen also said they were still waiting to get their allowances and that it would be difficult to operate without funds.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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