Politics
2023: It’ll be injustice if Nigeria’s next president is not Igbo –Moghalu

Kingsley Moghalu is a politician, former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, and academic whose presidential ambition in 2019 general elections inspired millions of Nigerians.
Moghalu, who is now the President of the Institute for Governance and Economic Transformation (IGET), a public policy think tank focused on inclusive growth, and the CEO of Sogato Strategies, a global investment advisory firm, turned 58, May 7.
In this interview, he said until the government can secure lives and property, Nigerians must defend themselves against confirmed terrorists any which way they can. He spoke on the Igbo Presidency, the implications of election boycott and why Nigerians must vote a more capable candidate in 2023.
What are your reflections on the deteriorating security situation in Nigeria?
It is a sad state of affairs for us in Nigeria that our country has come to this. This is the practical consequence of a failure of leadership. When we say elections have consequences, and that the individual candidate on the party platform matters, this is what we mean. It can mean the difference between life and death. May God help us all. Until the government can secure our lives, Nigerians should defend themselves from confirmed terrorists in any way possible. Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and it must kick in when the state, whose constitutional duty it is to protect our lives and property, has failed to do so.
Do you think the situation is redeemable or are we on the road to Somalia?
The situation is of course redeemable, but it will take a very different kind of leadership in our country to reverse this situation. I am familiar with Somalia, I was there as a United Nations Political Affairs Officer at Headquarters in New York in the early to mid-1990s, when I handled the Angola, Rwanda and Somalia conflicts. There are parallels because the breakdown of order in Somalia was caused by tribal conflicts between clans. But there is much more at stake in Nigeria in terms of economic investments and activities, and I hope that we can reverse the situation if the Presidency and the Federal Government of Nigeria will take a more conciliatory approach to disenchanted stakeholders and manufacture consensus, and if they can stem the rising tide of terrorism by all means necessary. It is a question of political will, on one hand, and capacity, on the other.
If the situation persists, do you think 2023 polls will be possible?
The 2023 polls could be threatened if the situation worsens, but I believe the elections will hold. Since we are still formally in a democracy, I actually think the real solution is for all of us to make sure we vote, and vote in more capable candidates, not just voting blindly for political parties and their structures even if a party puts up a chimpanzee as its candidate. I don’t believe in election boycotts. They place us at a political disadvantage.
INEC and other Nigerians have been pressing for the Electoral Act amendment, the process appears to be sluggish, do you think we can have a new Act before the election the way things are going? What do you advise?
We must. There is no alternative to a thoroughly amended Electoral Act if the 2023 elections are to have any meaning. I read that the National Assembly plans to have one passed by the end of June. I hope that is true and that it will happen.
What’s your view on Patanmi, the Communications Minister’s link with terrorism? Do you believe he has repented?
I was one of the very few political leaders in Nigeria to make a clear, unequivocal statement about the Patanmi affair. Given all the facts available, Patanmi should not be a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It is irrelevant whether he has “repented” or not. He should not have successfully scaled the security clearance process. His terrorist sympathizing past having been publicly exposed; he should have resigned or been fired. Terrorism is a high crime. The handling of the matter suggests a double-minded posture towards terrorism and the devastation it wreaks around the world including here in Nigeria. It doesn’t matter whether it is Boko Haram, Al Qaeda, or Taliban.
What’s your view on the granting of asylum to persecuted IPOB members by the U.K?
Under international law, countries have the right to grant asylum to persons who are political refugees from their own country.
Do you think the recent crises in Chad would worsen our security situation?
Of course the situation in Chad has serious implications for Nigeria. We should watch it very carefully.
Insecurity, a poor performing economy, calls for secession and break up – where do you think the solution to the present problems lies?
The only long term solution is a fundamental restructuring of Nigeria under a new peoples constitution. There simply is no other way out. All the geopolitical zones in Nigeria agree now on this. Of course, that process and discussions will take some time. But if the Buhari administration were to take concrete steps to bring stakeholders around the table, I think it would reduce the political temperature in the country. Beyond that, we must elect in 2023 a president who will be willing without being prodded, and capable too, to initiate constitutional restructuring back to true federalism with more autonomous sub-national units, but without an overly weak Federal Government. The balance of power between the United States Federal Government and the 50 states is just about right. 70% of governance in America is run by states and local governments, and yet the American presidency and federal government are not weak.
Should FG declare a state of emergency on Security as proposed by the Reps?
I don’t think so. The FG should solve the problem because it can, if it really wants to, or at least look for people who can help them solve it. A state of emergency is a very extreme measure that should not be taken except in the most dire circumstances, because it leads to an abridgment of democractic rights and freedoms.
What are your plans for 2023? Will you be in the race again for the presidency? If yes, What are you going to do differently this time to ensure you achieve your ambition? If no. Why not?
I am thinking, watching, and moving. At a time of my choice, I will state my position on the matter of 2023.
If I decide to run, naturally, I will be guided by the experience of my previous effort, which I believe had a huge impact in many ways because it contributed to shifting the narrative towards political reform and the need for a generational change in our leadership. In such a scenario, I would work hard to build a formidable ground game in all the country’s local government areas. But a lot depends on funding. Most politicians in Nigeria are spending ill-gotten public wealth. I did not steal any public funds when I was in public service in Nigeria, and I have no regrets because that is my own value system. That is why the Igwe of Nnewi, my hometown, honored me with the traditional chieftaincy title of Ifekaego (“that which is greater than money”) of Nnewi Kingdom in December 2020. It is really up to Nigerians who say they want real change to put their money where their mouth is and financially support candidates who have capacity but may not be criminally wealthy.
If I don’t run, I will also explain why. There are several factors to consider in making such a decision.
Some people will say that you do not have a platform acceptable enough to Nigerians to win elections. What do you say?
Well, those who had an “acceptable platform” and won at the polls, how far? How is the country today? We must stop the worship of small gods like Nigerian political party structures and focus on person, not party, in elections. Nigerian party platforms have very little ideological integrity. They are simply vehicles to get to power. Therefore, we should focus more on the question: which candidate can get the job done well? And then vote for that candidate’s party platform. Doing it the other way around is why Nigeria is where it is today.
Can you assess the performance of the APC government under President Muhammadu Buhari?
It has failed to secure our lives and our country. Nigerians are poorer and more jobless today than when this government came in. And corruption is even worse. The question is: what is the best alternative? We have to think carefully, so that we don’t jump from the frying pan to the fire, and then back to the frying pan! We must break away from the old political elite in Nigeria if our country is to make any progress. The result is clear: they have failed.
What are your views on restructuring?
It’s the only way Nigeria can make real, genuine progress. Because it is the only logical path to our national viability, especially economically.
What are your thoughts on the Igbo presidency and how can the region go about it considering what is playing out currently?
I ran for the presidency in 2019 on the basis of a vision I have for Nigeria as a whole, including the Southeast. I believed I was a better candidate than the others, regardless of their ethnicity. So, we need a competent and visionary president if we are to get out of our national crisis and make progress. However, I also believe in equity and justice. Since the presidency has rotated between North and South since 1999, then why should the practice end when by that arrangement it should now be the turn of the Southeast? That would be injustice. We can combine equity and competence, and we should. Nigeria cannot be stable and prosperous without our country being anchored on justice. Injustice naturally creates a response, so anyone who truly wishes Nigeria well knows where the next President of the country should come from. What’s good for the goose is good for the gander.
You will turn 58 on May 7, how does that make you feel, what are your prayers for your country, family and the world?
I feel grateful to God for the gift of life, and thank Him for the many blessings He has showered on me. I pray for healing in Nigeria. I pray that my children will live and thrive and pursue their dreams, and I pray for the world to recover from the devastating impact of COVID-19 and how it has changed the way we live. Human beings are by nature social beings. Anything that makes us hide from one another is not a good thing.
Politics
APC Expels 30 Members In Anambra Over Court Action Ahead Of Primaries
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The Anambra State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has expelled 30 members of the party for instituting legal actions against the party.
The affected members include some aspirants for the National Assembly, and their expulsion may disqualify them from participating in the party’s primary elections.
Disclosing this shortly after the meeting of the State Executive Committee (SEC) of the party, the State Publicity Secretary, Dr. Sir Valentine Iyiegbu, told reporters that the decision was in line with Section 21, Subsection 5 of the party’s constitution.
“The party discussed those who took the party to court, and many of them are contesting for the House of Representatives tickets of the party,” he said.
“The matter comes up tomorrow, and the SEC stated that what the party constitution stipulates would be followed, which is outright expulsion from the party under Article 21, Subsection 5.”
“The SEC actually ratified their expulsion because they did not exhaust all the internal avenues provided by the party to resolve their grievances,” he added.
Iyiegbu noted that the only reprieve available to the expelled members would be for them to withdraw their court cases.
“It is only when the matters are withdrawn from the court that the party can consider listening to them,” he said.
Speaking on the party’s primary elections, he explained:
“In the case of those contesting for the tickets of the Federal House of Representatives, all the eleven positions have aspirants, while for the Senate, the three positions are also being contested. The screening committees were here to perform their duties,” he noted.
The party also ratified the appointment of a five-man Primary Elections Committee headed by Sir Izuchukwu Okeke, the State Organising Secretary of the party.
Politics
APC House of Reps Screening: Onwuegbu Clears Exercise Ahead Of Primaries
By PETRUS OBI
Frontline aspirant for the Aninri/Awgu/Oji-River Federal Constituency seat, Anayo Onwuegbu, has successfully completed the screening exercise conducted by the All Progressives Congress House of Representatives screening panel in Abuja ahead of the party primaries scheduled for Friday, May 15, 2026.
Speaking after the exercise, Onwuegbu expressed satisfaction with the screening process, describing it as a reflection of the party’s commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and credible leadership selection ahead of the 2027 general elections.
The aspirant, who is seeking to represent Aninri/Awgu/Oji-River Federal Constituency under the platform of the APC, stated that he remains focused and prepared to continue to offer quality representation to the people of the constituency.
According to him, “The process once again highlights our party’s commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and the emergence of credible leadership as we prepare for the 2027 general elections.”
He reaffirmed his dedication to the development of the constituency, pledging to serve the people with commitment and purpose if elected.
The APC House of Representatives primaries are expected to hold nationwide on Friday as aspirants battle for the party’s tickets ahead of the 2027 elections.
Politics
Anambra Communities Boil As Group Carpets Traditional Rulers Over Zoning
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
Politics
Mass exodus: Obi, Kwankwaso exit rocks ADC, 18 lawmakers join NDC
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Politics
2027: Akpabio Moves to Block Ex-Governors from Contesting for Senate President
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
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