
Politics
What I will do if elected President — Peter Obi

Labour Party (LP) Presidential Candidate, Peter Obi has unveiled his policy thrust if elected President of Nigeria in 2023.
Obi, who is in the United States of America in continuation of his international consultations with the Diasporas, gave a vivid picture of what his government would do in all critical areas, including his top three priorities, if elected to office.
Below are details of the Questions and Answers that gave copious insight into what governance will look like in Nigeria if Obi is elected Nigeria President in 2023.
How do you see yourself making a difference in Nigeria?
We will offer a new brand of transformative and purposeful leadership. Nigeria is not bereft of good governance ideas and plans. However, a combination of institutional weaknesses and a lack of political will meant that various policies and strategies are poorly implemented leading to poor outcomes for the people. Hence, the overall goal of my administration shall be to streamline governance, and make it more responsive, transformative, effective, less transactional, and therefore efficient and cost-effective.
What kind of leadership do you hope to provide Nigerians?
Thinking through 2023 and beyond, we must think seriously about a leadership that is imbued with competence, capacity, credibility and commitment. Accordingly, we will pursue intangible assets of good governance, rule of law, and security of lives and properties; we will ensure that we have these assets in place and stress asset optimization.
Africa has looked to Nigeria for leadership but has found it absent and wanting. What would you do to restore leadership?
Our foreign policy has always been Afrocentric. So, Africa will remain the centre-piece of our foreign policy. We will strike a strategic balance that allows us to promote and protect national interests while meeting our ECOWAS obligations. We will rebuild Nigeria’s military power, promote economic growth, and enhance its technological prowess with a view to improving Nigeria’s diplomatic influence in sub-regional, regional and global affairs.
Restoring leadership will require that we reassert proactively, Nigeria’s leadership role in African affairs through constructive engagement, peacekeeping duties, and using existing sub-regional and regional forums as well as bilateral platforms for dialogue on current and emerging challenges. We will continue to enhance our sphere of influence via peacekeeping, and trade and investment initiatives.
The sense of being part of a united country has been eroded. How do you see yourself reuniting Nigerians?
Securing, uniting and making Nigeria productive require steady and trusted hands. We shall ensure that in moving Nigeria forward, no state or community will be left behind. Pursuant to its statutory responsibility to protect, our government will promote equity in power and resource sharing. There must be a renewed sense of patriotism; that will come through leadership by example.
Do you think that states and regions need more autonomy?
You are indirectly asking about restructuring. I consider restructuring a process, not a one-off event. Yes, if we have a real federation, the federating units will enjoy discernible autonomy. Resources will also be shared equitably. A higher derivation paid to oil or solid minerals-producing states will not be tantamount to other states not receiving federal allocations that should keep them viable. We must transcend the rhetoric that bedevils a robust debate on some of these national questions.
In the past, the ethnic identity of the President has resulted in a preponderance of unqualified people being appointed to key positions. How will you address this problem?
We will respect the principles of federal character, affirmative action and gender balance; but no longer at the expense of merit.
How do you propose to address the security challenges in the north and those of oil theft?
The relevant security institutions and agencies exist. Supporting national security-enabling documents and strategies also exist. We will tweak the security architecture, which will entail reform of the security sector and governance. We will restructure, reequip and reorient the Nigerian Police: This will include three-level policing- Federal, state and community. We will build a compact, robust and ready Mobile Police Force with rapid response deployment capabilities; and legislate the establishment of state police based on community policing. We will raise the population-to-police officer ratio to a higher level.
There would be a properly manned, equipped and technologically driven security system with particular emphasis on re-focusing the military on external threats and border protection and police on internal security threats and law enforcement; swift prosecution of criminals, bandits and terrorists; enhanced coordination among security agencies; and upholding the rule of law.
Operational Coordination
We would integrate the activities of the National Intelligence and Security Agencies by establishing a central reporting intelligence loop under the authority the Minister of National & Homeland Security; Establish a National Command and Control Coordination Center for the efficient management of actionable intelligence, resource allocation and force deployment. Membership should consist of representatives of all security agencies on a need-to-know basis.
Oil Theft
I believe in continuity in governance. But each extant policy must be considered and if need be, reviewed on its merit. The oil theft is not petty pilfering. It is an organized crime by a syndicate that involves a certain degree of sophisticated intelligence and logistical arrangement. We must admit that oil theft is happening because there is domestic and external collusion. The government and the people have the collective responsibility to protect national assets. On my watch, those responsibilities will be accorded high priority.
Regional Security
Foreign and National Security policy initiatives, might in the long term entail rebuilding, repositioning and sustaining ECOMOG, as the arrowhead of a West African Security partnership. This is to counter terrorist threats and international subversion of the sovereignty of the West African region of which Nigeria must reestablish her place as a regional power.
Will you be maintaining the policy of fixed exchange rates coupled with heavy government borrowing? Will you be adhering to the fiscal responsibility laws?
We will abide by the fiscal responsibility laws. Despite the exigency and convenience which the two-tier foreign exchange regime offers, it has become an albatross. Hence that arrangement will be critically reviewed, adjusted or even eliminated. We will explore ways of cushioning the forex demands by mainstreaming those components of Diaspora remittances that remain opaque and informal. With proper policy and planning, we can expect to boost and leapfrog the current $20 billion in remittances to $40b to $60b annually. That will translate to about 14% of our total GDP.
The youth have often felt left out in the country, especially in the light of central Bank policies on tech companies. Will you reconsider these policies? How do you propose to address the brain drain?
We are challenged by high youth unemployment, which stands at 33.3%; 54% for the youth; and 20 million out-of-school-children. We must give this country back to the Nigerian youths. Half of our 200 million people are below the age of 30.
Harnessing our national youth strength and demographic dividends intelligently must start with curbing the high youth unemployment and creating funding access to enable our youths to become entrepreneurs and drivers of our Small and Medium Scale enterprises (SMEs).
We will work to bring down the unemployment rate to fewer than 20 per cent over the next four years if elected. Part of our objectives on the economy will be focused on supporting job creation given its impact on the economy as well as poverty alleviation.
We will review the legislation guiding the fund access modalities to Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC), and the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund), to redress prevailing bottlenecks, create greater transparency, and ensure increased flexibility, and optimum availability of funds required to meet the educational need of the Nigerian students they are meant to serve.
We will explore ways and means of tapping in on technology transfer from the Diaspora; we will also explore ways of reversing the enormous brain drain that has been debilitating for our country. We will trigger every known technological and knowledge transfer initiator. Nigeria’s brain drain will be turned into brain gain.
Will the corrupt be allowed to keep their loot? How much focus will be given to probes?
We will have zero tolerance for corruption; block leakages and cut the cost of governance. Our total commitment to transparency and accountability in government business is the only credible way to achieve limited to zero corruption.
The policies required to fight corruption already exist; it is the political will to implement them that has been lacking. My governance modalities have always been forward-looking and will remain so. We will negotiate the return of our stolen national wealth from the custodial countries.
Will you be maintaining the subsidies on electricity and petroleum?
There are two elements of subsidy- the corruption component and the real subsidy component. The oil subsidy arrangement as it stands is fraught with criminality. It is unacceptable.
For corruption, we will deal with it decisively which will reduce the subsidy cost by over 50%. There will be weighted measures and counter-balance policies and programmes to cushion the impact of the removal of oil subsidy, if and when it is removed. The difference is that now, only some sacred and self-entitled few benefit from the oil subsidy. That narrative will change.
We will support local refining for domestic use and priced strictly in Naira. Starting with all government vehicles, we will transition to gas-powered cars.
While we support private enterprises will you take measures to ensure that Nigeria does not get dominated by a small group of oligopolists and monopolists?
Free enterprise is about market forces and keen competition. These will occur at different levels. If we liberalize access to funding, SMEs will flourish; they have a role to play that giant company no longer play.
We will enforce the legal framework protecting foreign investors and their indigenous partners. This is the only way to tamper with monopoly and capital flight.
In respect of gender equality in business and politics, Nigeria is behind many African countries. Will you be taking this as a priority?
As governor of Anambra State, my administration achieved close to a 60-40 gender balance in appointive and elective positions. The national target has hovered around 30-35%. We intend to progressively aim for between 35-40%, with aggressive gender mainstreaming action plans and rigid benchmarks.
The Central Bank has lost the confidence of many inside and outside of Nigeria. What do you propose to do about this?
As part of our monetary policy, we will seek to reestablish the independence of the CBN; and commit to a credible and transparent plan to normalize the exchange rate and bring inflation to single digits.
We will remove import and forex restrictions and insist on a single forex market. The current system penalizes exporters who bring in forex by forcing them to sell at a rate that they are unable to source for forex when they need to purchase forex. This multiple exchange rate regime encourages capital flight and deters investment, which has further worsened Nigeria’s forex situation.
Do you see yourself deepening or reducing ties with China?
Our trade policies will always be predicated on what is in our best national interest. Trade partners who offer us comparative advantage will be considered. However, we will give primacy to our Africa Trade Treaty obligations.
Beneficiaries of China’s goodwill and investments in Africa are many. So too are the countries defaulting on their Chinese loans. The trend is deeply alarming. Salutary, as it may seem, we must approach such engagement with our national interest uppermost in our minds.
What policy will your administration have towards Russia and Ukraine?
We maintain very cordial relations with Russia and Ukraine. Evidently, this war, in conventional terms, will need to be resolved at the negotiating table. We support the cessation of hostilities agreement under the auspices of the United Nations.
As young people we are concerned with university education. What will you do about the ongoing strike by university teachers?
We will pursue the global best practices and standards within the available resource. Certainly, in the medium and long term, 14% of budgetary funding for education is within the realm of possibility. We will strive to be globally competitive by increasing funding ad ensuring that the (TETFund) resources are redirected to the funding of the Universities and other higher institutions robustly with a view to ending the perennial strikes by University Staff and workers.
What would be your top priorities on getting into office?
• Production-centered growth for food security and export;
• Securing and Uniting Nigeria;
• Effective legal and institutional reforms (rule of law, corruption and government effectiveness);
• Leapfrogging Nigeria from oil to the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR);
• Expanding physical infrastructure through market-driven reforms (unleashing growth-enabling entrepreneurship and market-creating innovations);
• Human capital development that empowers competitiveness; and
• Robust foreign policy that restores Nigeria’s strategic relevance.
How did Nigeria address the COVID challenge and what will you need to do to address future epidemics and pandemics?
Nigeria’s initial response to the COVID crisis was lacklustre and uninspiring, but her efforts when compared to those of bigger and better-developed Western countries were not that poor.
What was lacking was experts who were proactive and could prioritize; people who understood how to manage complex emergencies. There were evident critical gaps in response capacity. We will address such gaps by putting in place a national resilience strategy.
Do you think that government needs to be slimmed down?
Certainly. We have a bloated federal bureaucracy; hence we are spending more on recurrent expenses. And we are borrowing frivolously. I am not against loans per se; but we must stop borrowing for consumption. All loans must be invested in regenerative projects. We must operate within available resources and strive for a balanced national budget as cost-saving measures. Ending the leakages including the subsidy regime and improving our tax regime should do the magic.
In a Presidential system Presidents often find that they are hamstrung by the legislature especially when that body is dominated by members of opposition parties. How will you handle the National Assembly in this regard?
Presidential power as we know is the power of persuasion. Members of the National Assembly have a vested interest in making their constituencies work. Their respective constituencies invariably form the presidential or national constituency. Policies that present win-win scenarios for national and federal constituencies will definitely attract bi-partisan support.
Do you have any plans to address the issue of the humongous salaries and allowances earned by the National Assembly?
Simply, we have to cut costs. There are no two ways about it.
The structure and size of the civil service remain a major constraint for development in the country how do you plan to deal with the issue?
Lack of political will and lack of synergy between the Executive and Legislative arms has resulted in costly inertia in tackling our oversized government. The result is persisting turf fights and competition among several overlapping agencies, and the resultant wastages. Cost-cutting measures must start with rationalization and harmonization. Pruning the size of the government will be imperative.
The Oronsaye committee report of April 2012, recommended the abolition and merger of 102 government agencies and parastatals, while some were listed to be self-funding. What was called for was extreme but practical rationalization measures.
Will you be implementing the Oronsaye report?
That is affirmative. That is the only way to make governance efficient, cost-effective and productive.
Politics
Bourdex And The Politics Of Borrowed Influence

Ogbonnaya James
Zero empowerment. Zero political portfolio. Zero demonstrable political prowess. Zero independent political structure.
These are legitimate questions that deserve careful consideration when assessing Bourdex’s political aspiration and readiness for the Senate.
Politics is not merely about belonging to a political party or benefiting from the popularity of a sitting Governor. Effective political leadership should be measured by personal achievements, grassroots mobilisation, empowerment, experience, political networks, leadership capacity and the ability to influence outcomes independently.
The concern, therefore, is whether Bourdex has built sufficient independent political capital and structure to justify the aspiration, or whether his emergence is largely dependent on party influence and the political wave surrounding the Governor.
There is absolutely nothing wrong with receiving the support of a political party or enjoying the goodwill of a popular Governor. However, political support should complement an already established political capacity; it should not become the foundation of a candidate’s entire political relevance.
The questions before the electorate are therefore straightforward:
What has Bourdex built politically on his own? Who has he empowered? What independent political structure has he established? What is his political portfolio? And what demonstrable experience and capacity does he possess to provide effective representation at the national level?
These questions are not personal attacks; they are legitimate questions of leadership capacity, preparedness and political accountability that every serious aspirant should be willing to answer.
*ABIA NORTH DESERVES A SENATOR LIKE OUK WITH NATIONAL INFLUENCE.*
Abia North deserves a Senator whose political influence is not borrowed or dependent entirely on the strength of another politician, but built through years of political experience, national relationships, grassroots engagement and proven leadership.
This is where the candidature of OUK presents a compelling contrast. Abia North needs a Senator with the experience and national political network to command respect, open doors, influence important decisions and effectively advance the interests of the constituency at the highest level of government.
Political support is important, but effective representation requires more than party backing or electoral popularity. It requires competence, experience, political reach, negotiation capacity and the ability to convert influence into meaningful opportunities for the people.
Abia North deserves more than political packaging. It deserves substance, competence, experience, influence and proven capacity.
Come 2027, voters should look beyond political waves and examine the substance behind every aspiration. The choice should be between earned political influence and borrowed political influence; between proven capacity and political dependence; between experience and mere political positioning.
A political wave may help a candidate during an election, but only competence, experience, independent political capacity and genuine influence can sustain effective representation.
Abia North deserves leadership with substance. Abia North deserves a Senator with national influence. *Abia North deserves a Senator like OUK.*
Politics
2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.
Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.
He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.
Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.
“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.
“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?
“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.
Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?
According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?
Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”
He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.
“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.
“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.
“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.
According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.
“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.
Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.
He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.
Politics
2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

By PETRUS OBI
Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.
It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.
At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.
Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?
Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.
Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.
His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.
Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.
Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.
The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.
More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.
That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?
The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.
Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.
He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.
That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.
The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.
In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.
Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.
That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.
The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.
Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.
There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.
Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.
Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.
With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.
More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.
The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.
But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.
Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.
That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.
The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.
Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.
If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.
He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.
Politics
2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.
Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.
According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.
“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.
“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.
“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!
“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”
Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.
“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.
“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.
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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.
“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.
“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.
Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.
“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.
Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.
“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.
“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.
The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.
Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.
Politics
Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.
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