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Tinubu’s inauguration: Army, Police warn troublemakers
The Chief of Army Staff, Lt Gen Faruk Yahaya, had earlier threatened to crack down on potential threats to national security and warned troublemakers not to test the will of the military.
Gusau, while responding to inquiries from on the threats to the inauguration, explained that the military stood by the warning it earlier issued to groups calling for an interim government.
Asked if the military was ready to neutralize threats to the inauguration ceremony, he simply answered, ‘’Yes,’’ adding that the preparation for the event was ongoing.
“We are already doing our rehearsals for the march past parade,’’ he noted.
Addressing journalists at a press briefing at the Force Headquarters, Louis Edet House, Abuja, the IG said the police and other security agencies are ready to deal with aggrieved political actors and their supporters plotting to scuttle the swearing-in programme.
The Defence headquarters and the police handed down the warning on Monday as a Federal High Court sitting in Abuja fixed Thursday for hearing of a suit seeking to stop the inauguration of the former Lagos State governor.
Justice Inyang Ekwo on Monday asked the five applicants who sued on behalf of the Federal Capital Territory residents and voters to convince the court of their locus standi, jurisdiction and whether there is a similar matter before the presidential elections court.
But speaking against the background of the clamour by some people for an interim government and alleged incitement statements that Tinubu should not be sworn in as the president, the IG cautioned those involved in any plot to destabilise the presidential inauguration to desist as the security agencies were determined to protect democracy in the country.
He stated, “The Nigeria Police hereby sternly warns all political actors with subversion agenda and their collaborators, particularly, their foot soldiers who they are exposing to political radicalization and extremism to, henceforth, jettison their ongoing premeditated attempts to create tension within the national space with intention of derailing the May 29, 2023 Presidential Inauguration Ceremony.
“Any such persons, regardless of their political affiliations who continuously engage in acts that are inimical to our nation’s democratic and security interests should not be in doubt of the firm determination of the Nigeria police under my watch to closely collaborate with the law enforcement family and the intelligence community to defend our democracy, keep the internal security order stable and optimally deploy our common unique assets towards guaranteeing the successful conduct of the Presidential Inauguration Ceremony.’’
The police chief admonished the citizens to be mindful of the antics of political elements who may want to manipulate their political passion to advance parochial, undemocratic and unconstitutional objectives.
“They should resist such, go about their lawful businesses and prepare to be part of the advancement of our democratic journey as patriotic citizens by freely participating in the inauguration ceremonies, assured that the Nigeria Police have acquired adequate assets to guarantee their protection,’’ he admonished.
Baba further encouraged Nigerians to promptly report for appropriate law enforcement response to any attempts by the misguided political elements to infiltrate their ranks and engender political tension in the country.
Court adjourns suit
Meanwhile, Justice Ekwo has adjourned till May 18 to enable the plaintiffs in the suit seeking to stop Tinubu’s inauguration as president to respond to the issues of locus and jurisdiction.
In the suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/578/202, the plaintiffs aver that Tinubu failed to secure at least 25 per cent of votes cast in the FCT.
The Plaintiffs-Anyaegbunam Ubaka Okoye, David Aondover Adzer, Jeffrey Oheobeh Ucheh, Osang Paul and Chibuke Nwachukwu representing themselves and other residents and registered voters in the FCT, are seeking an order of court restraining the Chief Justice of Nigeria and any judicial officer and/or any authority or persons from swearing in any candidate in the February 25 presidential election as president or vice president.
Plaintiffs prayers
They want the court to set aside the certificate of return issued to Tinubu and restrain the CJN and any other judicial officer from swearing in any candidate in the presidential election as president or vice-president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria until the issue is determined in court.
The applicants are equally seeking a determination of section 134 (2)(b) of the constitution in regard to any candidate in the February 25 presidential election ‘’who did not fulfil the requirements of the 25 per cent of the votes in the FCT.’’
They are also praying for a declaration that “no candidate in the February 25th presidential election may validly be sworn in as president and Commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria without such candidate having obtained 25 per cent of the votes cast in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.”
During the proceedings on Monday, counsel for the plaintiffs, Chuks Nwachukwu informed the court that they had filed the ex parte application and originating motions seeking a referral of the constitutional matters to the Court of Appeal for interpretation.
Speaking to our correspondent, Nwachukwu stated that the president-elect did not tick all the requirements that could empower him to assume the office of the president.
He said the argument that past presidents also had pending petitions even as they were sworn in did not hold water.
According to him, the past presidents had met all requirements as prescribed by the Constitution.
He argued, “They had ticked all the boxes on paper and were deemed elected by the constitution. But the constitution does not deem Tinubu duly elected because he has not ticked all the boxes.”
He said he was not concerned about those who argue that there will be a vacuum if Tinubu is not sworn in by May 29 because the constitution allows the incumbent president to oversee the affairs of the nation until a qualified candidate takes over.
Nwachukwu stated, “We are convinced that there is nobody who will not understand our cause. The election petitioners are struggling among themselves about who should be the winner. We are not interested in who the winner is.
“What we are interested in is that whoever would be sworn in should obtain 25 per cent in Abuja and if he does not, then there is nobody to be sworn in on the 29th of May.
The Chief Spokesman for Obi-Datti Presidential Campaign Council, Yunusa Tanko, aligned with the position taken by the FCT residents only if the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal grants their prayers to render the February 25 poll null and void.
Tanko stated that they are looking forward to a situation where the court allows the Senate president to be sworn in until a substantive president is elected.
He said, “What I know in order not to sound presumptuous is that there will be a swearing-in on May 29 and if we get to win our case at the election petition tribunal, the swearing-in will only involve the president of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This is by the premises of section 146 (2).
“Our prayer is that the election should be cancelled and declared null and void. This should be the position since the APC candidate did not get 25 per cent in Abuja. If defined deeply, it gives the power to section 146 of the Constitutional provision which states that “In the event that there is no president, the Senate president, Ahmad Lawan will take over. If the present case goes the way we are praying, what it means is that Lawan will take over as president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
“And if Lawan is not returned in the 10th Assembly, he must hand over to the newly elected president of the Senate on June 10. He will then ask for nine months to conduct a fresh election for the president of the country to emerge. That is how it should be to avoid lacuna anywhere.”
But the Legal Director of the dissolved Tinubu-Shettima Presidential Campaign Council, Babatunde Ogala, SAN, frowned on the application which he described as ‘a frivolous, vexatious and nauseating application.’
Ogala further expressed disappointment with the lawyer that instituted the case, saying he deserves to be invited to answer some questions for ‘’allowing himself to be pushed around by some interlopers seeking to upturn a case that is already in PEPT.’’
He stated, “I am aware that a summon was filed by One Chuks Nwachukwu, a lawyer, and a group of five persons, purporting to act for themselves and representatives of whoever they say in Abuja. My immediate reaction is that I expect them to serve the Chief Justice of Nigeria and the people they want to restrain from carrying out their constitutional duties under whatever law that empowers that.
“The electoral issues are so clear. The only body that has jurisdiction over electoral issues is an election tribunal. And the Court of Appeal has constituted a presidential election petition tribunal where issues have been joined as of today.
When Alhaji Atiku Abubakar recently said he would restore petroleum subsidy if elected president, he tapped into a familiar frustration. Fuel prices are high, transport costs bite, and households are feeling the squeeze. That pain is real. But the promise to bring back the old subsidy regime is not relief. It is a return to a policy that bled the treasury, starved the states, and kept Nigeria dependent on borrowing to buy fuel.
For decades the subsidy was sold as a welfare program for the poor. In practice it became the most expensive welfare program for smugglers, marketers, and a handful of importers. The Nigerian National Petroleum Company would claim billions monthly, and no one could audit where the product actually went. That was not social protection. That was fiscal leakage at scale.
The first and most immediate benefit of subsidy removal is fiscal breathing room. In 2022 alone, subsidy gulped over 4 trillion naira. That was more than we spent on education, health, and capital projects combined. When that money stopped going to fuel, it did not disappear. It stayed in government coffers, and a large share of it flows directly to the sub nationals through FAAC.
The sub nationals are where the difference is being felt most. States and local governments now receive significantly higher monthly allocations. Governors in Rivers, Lagos, Kano, and others have reported FAAC receipts nearly doubling compared to pre-removal levels. That is money that can pay teachers, fix primary health centers, and clear pension arrears without waiting for Abuja bailouts.
In Rivers State, for example, the additional resources have allowed the state government to accelerate road projects, expand the school feeding conversation, and invest in water and sanitation. Across the country, states are using the windfall to clear salary backlogs and to fund security. That is the direct link between subsidy removal and better services at your doorstep.
Beyond recurrent needs, the removal unlocked capital spending. With subsidy gone, the federal government and states are no longer borrowing just to keep petrol cheap. Instead, we are seeing commitments to CNG buses, mass transit, student loans, and conditional cash transfers. These are targeted interventions. They reach the vulnerable without subsidizing a businessman in Cotonou who drives across the border to buy cheap fuel.
One of the quietest but biggest wins is the end of the subsidy-driven smuggling economy. When Nigerian petrol was artificially cheap, an estimated 30 to 40 percent was leaving our borders daily. That drained our forex and rewarded criminal networks. With prices aligned to market, the incentive to smuggle collapsed almost overnight. That saves dollars and restores integrity to our supply chain.
Sub nationals also gained policy space. Before, states were trapped. They could not raise IGR fast enough to match their responsibilities because the center was spending all its revenue on fuel. Now, with more money coming from FAAC and with subsidy no longer a federal albatross, states can plan medium-term budgets. They can borrow for infrastructure knowing their revenue base is real, not propped up by a phantom fuel bill.
The macroeconomic case is just as strong. Subsidy removal freed up foreign exchange that was being used to import and “subsidize” fuel. That pressure contributed to naira volatility. With the drain gone, the CBN has more room to stabilize the market, and investors see a government willing to make hard choices. Confidence matters for FDI, and FDI builds factories, not just fuel stations.
Let us be honest about the counterargument. Atiku and others argue that Nigerians cannot afford the current prices and that government should cushion the pain by restoring subsidy. The compassion is understandable. But the method is wrong. A blanket subsidy is the bluntest tool possible. It subsidizes the rich who own three cars, it subsidizes generators in malls, and it subsidizes our neighbors.
Targeted support is both cheaper and fairer. The savings from subsidy removal are already funding student loans, nano-grants, and public transport reforms. Those programs can be scaled. If we put 1 trillion naira directly into transport, health insurance, and food support, the impact on the poor will be ten times what the same 1 trillion did when spread thinly across every liter of petrol.
International experience backs this. Indonesia, India, and Ghana all removed fuel subsidies and redirected the savings to health, education, and cash transfers. In each case there was short-term pain, followed by stronger public services. Countries that reversed course and brought subsidies back, like Egypt in 2014 before its second reform, ended up in deeper debt crises.
Restoring subsidy now would also reverse private sector investment. Since the removal, private companies have begun investing in refineries, CNG conversion centers, and logistics. Dangote Refinery, modular refineries, and gas infrastructure are viable only because prices reflect costs. If we announce that subsidy will return, those investors pause. That means fewer jobs in Port Harcourt, Warri, and Lagos.
For the sub nationals, a return to subsidy is a direct pay cut. FAAC would shrink again. States would go back to borrowing to pay salaries. Projects started with the new revenues would stall. Local governments, which depend almost entirely on federal transfers, would be the first to feel it. That is not theoretical. We lived it for 20 years.
Atiku’s argument rests on the idea that the timing was wrong and the palliatives were insufficient. Fair critique. But the solution to poor implementation is better implementation, not abandoning the reform. We should demand faster rollout of CNG buses, more transparency in how FAAC windfalls are spent, and stronger monitoring of state budgets. We should not demand a return to the policy that caused the weakness.
The subsidy was also a corruption magnet. It created a system where claims were king and verification was optional. Removing it broke that cycle. Bringing it back without fixing the governance structure is inviting the same fraud, only now with higher global oil prices and a weaker naira.
There is also a climate and energy angle. Cheap petrol discouraged gas adoption and kept us locked into generators. With market pricing, CNG, electric tricycles, and solar become economically sensible. States can lead this transition because they now have the funds to subsidize conversion kits, not fuel itself.
Politically, the promise to restore subsidy sounds popular in the short term. But governance is about trade-offs. The trade-off here is clear: cheap fuel for a few months versus hospitals, roads, and jobs for years. Sub nationals have already shown what they can do with the extra money. To take it away is to punish the very level of government closest to the people.
Finally, debt. Subsidy was financed largely by borrowing and by unpaid arrears to NNPC. That debt was crowding out everything else. Every naira we do not spend on subsidy is a naira we do not have to borrow. That lowers interest payments, which in turn frees more money for states and local governments.
Nigeria does not need a return to the past. We need to finish the work of this reform. That means plugging leakages, auditing state spending, and scaling targeted support so no family is left behind.
Alhaji Atiku is a respected Nigerian, but on this point he is wrong. Restoring subsidy would undo the single most important fiscal correction we have made in a generation. It would hurt the states, weaken the naira, and put us back on the borrowing treadmill.
The better path is forward. Keep the subsidy gone. Let the sub nationals keep the resources. And let government prove that the savings can translate into tangible relief. That is how we turn pain into progress, and that is how we build a Nigeria that works beyond election cycles.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku and the All Progressives Congress Candidate for Ikwuano Umuahia Federal Constituency.
Seven people have died and seven others sustained injuries in a fatal road crash on the Bida-Kutigi road in Niger State, the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) has confirmed.
The FRSC Niger Sector Commander, Corps Commander Aishatu Sa’adu, confirmed the incident to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Sunday.
Sa’adu said the crash occurred on Sunday afternoon at Shebe village, a few kilometres from Kutigi town.
According to her, the accident involved a Mazda vehicle and a Siena bus travelling along the Bida-Kutigi road.
“Seven people lost their lives, seven others were injured while four were rescued without injuries, bringing the total involved to 18,” she said.
The sector commander said the seven victims who died were confirmed dead at the scene, while the injured victims sustained injuries of varying degrees.
She said the injured were evacuated to Kutigi General Hospital for medical attention, while the remains of the deceased were deposited at the hospital’s mortuary.
The FRSC official did not immediately disclose the identities of the victims or provide further details on the circumstances surrounding the collision.
The crash involved a total of 18 people, comprising seven fatalities, seven injured persons and four uninjured survivors.
Authorities are expected to investigate the cause of the accident and determine the circumstances that led to the fatal collision.
The presidential candidate of the People’s Redemption Party (PRP), Donald Duke, has described as a “lie” the claim that Nigeria is Africa’s wealthiest country, arguing that the country remains one of the poorest on the continent when measured by per capita income.
Duke, a former governor of Cross River State, stated this during an interview with journalists in Lagos.
He said Nigeria’s position as Africa’s largest economy by Gross Domestic Product (GDP) did not necessarily reflect the living standards of its citizens.
“It is embarrassing that a country that was considered one of the wealthiest in Africa still thinks today that it is the largest economy in Africa. That is not true.
“We are living a lie. It is a nice sound bite, though, to say that Nigeria is the largest economy in Africa. No. Nigeria is just one of the poorest when you take per capita income into consideration,” he said.
Duke said productivity remained critical to economic development, noting that several countries Nigerians considered smaller had higher per capita incomes.
On insecurity, the PRP presidential candidate said he preferred not to describe terrorists operating in Nigeria as “Islamic terrorists”, arguing that their activities were not driven by Islam.
He attributed part of the security challenges, particularly in Northern Nigeria, to the collapse of Libya, which he said contributed to the movement of arms into Nigeria through its land borders.
Duke said the government needed short-, medium- and long-term measures to tackle kidnapping, banditry and terrorism.
“Right now, you have got to deal with the security problems as they exist today — kidnapping, banditry, terrorism and all that.
“But even beyond that, those things are consequences of other things. They are consequences of a very poor economy and, of course, the failure to properly manage our borders,” he said.
He also called for measures to improve citizens’ productivity through increased local production and the use of modern technology to strengthen border security.
On the economic development of Northern Nigeria, Duke said that, if elected president, he would restructure mining activities in the region to ensure that local and state governments, as well as host communities, benefited from the sector.
He said the region’s mineral deposits, rather than oil in the Chad Basin, represented a major economic opportunity.
“There must be a structured way of mining. Today, it is artisanal, and the broader community, the border communities, society and the nation itself do not adequately benefit from those resources,” Duke said.
He cited gold deposits in Zamfara State as an example, saying insecurity had affected mining activities in the area.
Duke proposed that each state should be treated as an economic entity, with the Federal Government working with state governments to assess mineral deposits and establish proven reserves capable of attracting investors.
He said mining development should involve a partnership between the Federal and state governments, with revenues shared between both levels of government.
However, Duke stressed that security remained essential to attracting investment into the mining sector.
“Nobody is going to invest if there is no security,” he said, citing the experience of the Niger Delta, where insecurity had contributed to oil companies moving their operations to offshore locations.
This scrutiny follows the revelation that the Federation Account disbursed about N47tn to the three tiers of government in the three years since the removal of petrol subsidy.
This was as the Federal Government, 36 states and 774 local governments shared a cumulative N93.216tn as revenue from the Federation Account between 2017 and 2025, with more than half of the amount distributed in the three years following the economic reforms introduced by the Federal Government in 2023.
These figures were disclosed in a document obtained by our correspondent from the Federal Ministry of Finance on Sunday.
It showed that N47.25tn, representing about 50.7 per cent of the N93.13tn shared during the period, was distributed between 2023 and 2025 alone, highlighting the sharp expansion in revenues following the removal of petrol subsidy, exchange rate reforms and increased revenue mobilisation.
But policy analysts, civil society groups and other critics say the increase in revenue has not translated into a corresponding improvement in the living conditions of Nigerians facing rising living costs, unemployment, poverty and inadequate public services.
In an interview, a policy analyst, Adebayo Abubakar, said the removal of subsidy had increased government revenues but argued that the additional funds had not always translated into spending that reflected the economic hardship facing Nigerians.
“Roads, bridges, drainage and other infrastructure remain important, but some governments appear to favour conspicuous projects while schools, healthcare facilities, water supply and other basic services receive inadequate attention,” he said.
The removal of petrol subsidy and other economic reforms introduced by the Federal Government in 2023 have triggered an unprecedented surge in revenue flowing into the Federation Account, with the 36 states and 774 local government areas receiving significantly higher allocations amid growing questions over how the windfall has translated into improved infrastructure, security and public services.
The sharp increase in Federation Account Allocation Committee payouts has, however, placed state governors under renewed scrutiny, as many Nigerians continue to grapple with high living costs, poor infrastructure and worsening insecurity despite the substantial growth in revenues available to subnational governments.
While some governors have linked higher FAAC receipts to road construction, bridges, healthcare, education, workers’ welfare and other projects, residents in some states said the increased revenue had not resulted in improved public services or reduced economic hardship.
Findings by The PUNCH showed that the Federal Government, states and local governments received about N47tn from the Federation Account in the three years following the reforms, exceeding the amount shared in the preceding six-year period and reigniting the debate over the benefits and consequences of the subsidy removal policy.
FAAC disbursements
The document showed that FAAC distributions rose from N5.64tn in 2017 to N21.90tn in 2025, representing an increase of about 288 per cent over the nine-year period.
Year-by-year, net FAAC stood at N5.64tn in 2017, N7.98tn in 2018, N7.85tn in 2019, N7.11tn in 2020, N8.12tn in 2021 and N9.18tn in 2022. It subsequently rose to N10.09tn in 2023, N15.26tn in 2024 and a record N21.90tn in 2025.
The development highlights the dramatic transformation in Nigeria’s federation revenue following the removal of petrol subsidy, reforms in the foreign exchange market and efforts to improve revenue mobilisation.
It also exposes the limits of measuring Nigeria’s revenue growth in naira terms alone. While the removal of petrol subsidy, foreign exchange reforms and improved revenue mobilisation helped to push FAAC allocations sharply higher, a significant part of the increase reflects the devaluation of the naira.
For instance, Nigeria shared N7.98tn through FAAC in 2018, which, at the Central Bank of Nigeria exchange rate at the time, was equivalent to about $26bn. By 2025, the amount shared had risen almost threefold to N21.9tn. However, when converted at the CBN exchange rate for 2025, the allocation was worth only about $14.4bn.
In other words, while FAAC distribution increased by about 174 per cent in naira terms between 2018 and 2025, its dollar value fell by roughly 45 per cent, or about $11.6bn.
The comparison suggests that the apparent surge in federation revenue was driven not only by increased revenue generation and reforms, but also by the weaker naira, which translated dollar-denominated oil and other foreign currency earnings into substantially larger amounts of naira.
The document showed that net FAAC allocations stood at N5.64tn in 2017 and rose to N7.98tn in 2018, representing a 29 per cent increase. However, growth was not sustained in the following two years.
The distributable revenue fell by two per cent to N7.85tn in 2019. It declined further by 10 per cent to N7.11tn in 2020, reflecting the economic disruptions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic and developments in the oil market.
The distributable revenue, however, recovered to N8.12tn in 2021 and increased to N9.18tn in 2022. The document put the average annual growth rate for the pre-reform period at eight per cent. But the sharpest increase came after the reforms introduced in 2023.
Net FAAC rose to N10.09tn in 2023, representing a nine per cent increase. It then jumped by 34 per cent to N15.26tn in 2024 and expanded by another 30 per cent to a record N21.90tn in 2025.
This means the average annual growth rate accelerated from eight per cent in the pre-reform period to 24 per cent between 2023 and 2025. In effect, the pace of growth in distributable federation revenue was three times higher in the post-reform period than the average recorded before the reforms.
The figures also showed the extraordinary weight of the last three years in Nigeria’s federation revenue history. Of the N93.13tn shared between 2017 and 2025, the N47.25tn distributed between 2023 and 2025 alone exceeded the combined allocations recorded in several earlier years, meaning that every N2 shared over the nine-year period contained more than N1 distributed after the reforms.
Finance ministry speaks
The Federal Ministry of Finance, in its assessment of the reforms, said states and local governments had received substantially higher allocations, increasing the resources available to subnational governments for salaries, pensions, infrastructure and other public responsibilities.
The ministry said, “States and local governments received significantly higher allocations through the Federation Account, increasing the resources available to meet salaries, pensions, infrastructure and other responsibilities at the subnational level that benefit the people.”
It added that, compared with the monthly run-rate before the removal of petrol subsidy, “states received about N9.17tn in additional allocations from June 2023 to December 2025,” while local governments received about N6.66tn in additional allocations during the same period.
Further analysis of tier-by-tier annual distribution figures for 2022 to 2025 showed that the Federal Government received N1.996tn in 2022, N3.749tn in 2023, N4.570tn in 2024 and N7.024tn in 2025, bringing its four-year allocation to about N17.34tn.
The figures showed that the states emerged as the biggest beneficiaries of the post-reform expansion in FAAC receipts. Their annual allocation jumped from N4.18tn in 2023 to N8.93tn in 2025, more than doubling within two years. In 2024, states received N6.53tn, exceeding the Federal Government’s N4.57tn allocation in the figures contained in the document.
A World Bank analysis similarly identified 2024 as a turning point when state governments received more from FAAC distributable revenues than the Federal Government, reflecting a structural shift in the pattern of federation revenue distribution.
The expansion in FAAC receipts has been linked largely to the fiscal reforms introduced by President Bola Tinubu’s administration after it assumed office in May 2023.
The reforms included the removal of petrol subsidy and changes to the foreign exchange regime, alongside efforts to improve tax collection and revenue remittances.
News
Nwabueze Denies Running ‘Fake Agency’, Says Made-in-Nigeria Project Has Operated Under OSGF for 16 Years
The National Coordinator and Executive Director of the National Brands Development and Made in Nigeria Special Project Office, George Nwabueze, has denied the allegation of running a “fake agency” in the country.
Nwabueze, who spoke with newsmen on Saturday, noted that he oversaw an office which was under the supervision of the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.
He noted that the office had been in existence for 16 years.
The Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission had on Friday said the President had ordered Nwabueze’s arrest for leading and promoting the outfit, which it tagged as a fake federal agency.
The ICPC said the accused was running it with the collaboration of senior public servants in the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.
But responding to our correspondent, the embattled executive director said, “Made in Nigeria Special Project Office is a project office in the OSGF. We don’t know where fake agency comes from. A programme that has been in the SGF’s office since 16 July 2010 was just discovered yesterday (Friday). After 16 years; Nigeria is a funny country.”
Nwabueze spoke while responding to our correspondent’s enquiries on LinkedIn, where he had earlier posted his appointment letter to rebuff ICPC’s claim of illegality.
The letter, dated October 3, 2025, was purportedly issued by the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.
It was referenced OSGF/MIN/59310/11/205 and signed by the Permanent Secretary, Political and Economic Affairs Office, Nadungu Gagare.
The letter, addressed to “Hon. George Buchi Nwabueze, National Coordinator, Made in Nigeria Project Office, OSGF, Three Arms Zone, Abuja,” conveyed the approval of his appointment as National Coordinator/Executive Director of the Made in Nigeria Project Office under the OSGF.
According to the document, the appointment was for a five-year tenure beginning from July 2025 and was renewable.
“I am directed to formally convey the approval of your appointment as National Coordinator/Executive Director of the Made in Nigeria Project Office under the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation,” the letter stated.
It added that the appointment followed “a careful evaluation of your commitment, contribution, and capacity in delivering on the mandate of the Special Project Office.”
The document listed Nwabueze’s responsibilities to include the supervision and development of programmes, projects and policies; supervision of regional and state coordinators across the 36 states; and organisation of exhibitions, trade expos, economic summits and other promotional initiatives aimed at promoting indigenous products and services.
It further stated that the project was to operate temporarily from Room B53, Ground Floor, within the OSGF complex.
“Please note that this appointment is at the pleasure of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and in line with the objectives of the Made in Nigeria initiative under the Renewed Hope Agenda,” the letter said.
Efforts to engage Nwabueze further on the matter proved abortive as he declined response.
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