Politics
Tinubu, Akpabio meet on Senate committees’ chairmen, others
This is the outcome of the meeting the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, had with President Bola Tinubu on Thursday at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, to discuss the setting up of the Senate committees.
It was gathered that Akpabio decided to have the meeting with the President because of the fierce battle among senators for the headship of some committees and to also have Tinubu’s input into the composition of the committees.
The Villa meeting was the reason Akpabio’s deputy, Senator Jibrin Barau, presided over the Senate plenary on Thursday, a source added.
At the meeting, it was gathered that Akpabio briefed the President on the plan by the Senate to set up what sources described as tactical panels to set the ball rolling for the constitution of the committees.
Based on discussions at the Villa, it was gathered that leadership and members of a few committees would be announced this week by the Senate President. Some of the committees that may be named are that of selection, Senate Services and about four others.
Informed sources said the composition of the few committees, especially that of selection, was to give members the privilege of being carried along in the selection process.
A source disclosed “The President of the senate was at the Villa on Thursday to meet with President Tinubu. The idea was to name members of some of the committees that day.
“In actual fact, Akpabio sent a message to some senators to inform the presiding officer, his deputy, Senator Jibrin Barau, to delay the plenary until he returned from the Villa.
“But due to some issues like the jamming of the network within the chambers or members putting their phones in silence, those that the message was sent to were unable to access it before the end of the plenary.
“Some saw the message about 10 minutes after the Senate had adjourned. With that, the announcement of the composition of some of the committees could not be made.”
The source added, “Now, the matter is this. Some former presidential aspirants and former governors, who worked with President Tinubu during the campaign, are also rooting for major committees that are more feasible. Nigerians refer to such committees as juicy ones.
“Such committees include appropriations, finance, army, works, customs and foreign affairs, among others.
“Supporters of Senator Abdulaziz Yari are also coming back to bargain for the headship of some committees. But there is a possibility that they won’t get what they want. This is because there is precedence.
“When Bukola Saraki emerged as the President of the Senate, those who were foot soldiers of Senator Ahmad Lawan, who was also in the race for the Senate presidency, were left without heading any committee. The likes of Senator Solomon Adeola and others were denied any significant role during the period because of their loyalty to Lawan.”
It was also gathered that the Governor of Imo State, who is also the Chairman of the Progressives Governors’ Forum, Hope Uzodimma, played what was described as a significant role in the emergence of Senator Opeyemi Bamidele as the Senate Leader.
Apart from Bamidele, other senators said to have indicated interest in the position were the immediate past governor of Ebonyi State, Dave Umahi, and Senator Ali Ndume.
Both Umahi and Ndume played significant roles in the emergence of Akpabio as the Senate President.
While Umahi served as the Chairman of his campaign committee, Ndume was its director-general.
But unlike Umahi, Ndume had earlier indicated interest to contest the Senate presidency but stepped down for the former governor of Akwa Ibom State, who eventually defeated Yari.
A source said Uzodimma told Ndume and his backers that throughout the eight-year reign of President Muhammadu Buhari, he was allowed to have his choice and a northerner as the Senate Majority Leader and that it would be wrong to deny Tinubu of the same opportunity of having his choice to occupy the same position.
“It was very painful to Ndume and some of his backers, especially with the role the Borno State senator played in the development that threw up Akpabio, but he had no option but to agree and take the position of Senate Whip,” the source added.
In the House of Representatives, the Speaker, Tajudeen Abbas, had on Thursday, June 15, 2023, constituted seven special committees for the effective take-off of the assembly.
They are the Internal Security Committee led by Mohammed Danjuma; Selection Committee chaired by the Speaker himself; and Media Committee headed by Buka Ibrahim.
Others are Legislative Agenda Committee, which is chaired by Prof Julius Ihonbvare; Rules and Business Committee led by Igariwey Iduma; Welfare Committee headed by Wale Raji; and Ethics and Privileges Committee led by Tunji Olawuyi.
Lawmakers intensify lobbies
Meanwhile, intense lobbying is going on among lawmakers over committees’ chairmanship and membership, particularly the juicy ones.
Some of the lawmakers that are suspected to have been penciled down for some committees are Senator Adeola Solomon, (APC, Ogun West) for Appropriations; Senator Francis Fadahunsi, ( PDP, Osun East) for Customs and Exercise; and Abdul Ningi (PDP, Bauchi Central), who was named the Chairman of an ad hoc committee on the Niger Delta Development Commission.
The 9th Senate had about 70 standing committees, but the juicy ones included Appropriations, which was chaired by Senator Jibrin Barau; Finance, Adeola; Public Accounts, Matthew Uroghide; Petroleum Resources (Upstream), Albert Bassey Akpan; Petroleum Resources (Downstream), Mohammed Nakudu; Works and Niger Delta Development Commission, Peter Nwaoboshi, who was later replaced by the Vice-Chairman, Amos Bulus; Defence (Army), Ndume; and Banking Insurance and Other Financial Institutions, Uba Sani.
Other are, Power, Gabriel Suswam; Tertiary Education and TETFUND, Ahmed Baba Kaita; Gas, James Manager; Communications, Oluremi Tinubu; Aviation, Smart Adeyemi, who was later replaced by Biodun Olujimi; and Independent National Electoral Commission, Kabiru Gaya.
The committees and their chairmen in the 9th Senate also included Agriculture and Productivity, Abdullahi Adamu, who was replaced by Yahaya Abdullahi when he left to become the Chairman of the APC; Air Force, Bala Ibn Na’allah; Anti-Corruption and Financial Crimes, Suleiman Kwari; Capital Market, Ibikunle Amosun; and Cooperation and Integration in Africa and NEPAD, Chimaroke Nnamani.
The list also included Culture and Tourism, Rochas Okorocha; Customs, Excise and Tariff, Francis Alimikhena; Defence, Aliyu Wamakko; Diapsora and NGOs, Ajibola Basiru; Drugs and Narcotics, Hezekiah Dimka; Ecology and Climate Change, Mohammed Hassan; Education (Basic and Secondary), Ibrahim Geidam; Employment, Labour and Productivity, Benjamin Uwajumogu; and Environment, Ike Ekweremadu.
The committees and their chairmen also included Establishment and Public Service, Ibrahim Shekarau; Ethics and Privileges, Ayo Akinyelure; FCT, Abubukar Kyari, who was later replaced by Smart Adeyemi; Federal Character and Inter-Governmental Affairs, Danjuma Tella La’ah; FERMA, Gershom Bassey; Foreign Affairs, Mohammed Bulkachuwa; Health, Ibrahim Oloriegbe; Housing, Sam Egwu; ICT and Cybercrimes, Yakubu Oseni; INEC, Kabiru Gaya; Information and National Orientation, Abdullahi Sankara; and Interior, Kashim Shettima, who is now the Vice President.
Others were Inter-Parliamentary Affairs, Godiya Akwashiki; Industry, the late Sikiru Osinowo, who was replaced by Tokunbo Abiru; Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters, Opeyemi Bamidele; Land Transport, Abdulfatai Buhari; Legislative Compliance, Adelere Oriolowo; Local Content, Teslim Folarin; Local and Foreign Debt, Clifford Ordia; Marine Transport, Danjuma Goje; Media and Public Affairs,. Adedayo Adeyeye, who was later replaced by Ajibola Basiru; National Identity and National Population, Saidu Alkali; National Planning and Economic Affairs, Olubunmi Adetunmbi; National Security and Intelligence, Ibrahim Gobir; Navy, George Sekibo; and Police Affairs, Halliru Jika.
The remaining are Public Procurement, Shuaibu Lau; Primary Healthcare and Communicable Diseases, Chukwuka Utazi; Privatisation, Theodore Orji; Rules and Business, Sadiq Umar; Science and Technology, Uche Ekwunife; Senate Services, Musa Sani; Social Welfare and Poverty Alleviation, Lawal Yahaya Gumau; Solid Minerals, Tanko Al-Makura; Special Duties, Yusuf Yusuf; Sports, Obinna Ogba; States and Local Governments, Olamilekan Mustapha; Sustainable Development Goals, Aisha Ahmed Dahiru; Tertiary Institutions and TETFund, Baba Kaita; Trade and Investment, Rose Oko, who after her death was replaced by Seidu Alkali; Water Resources, Mandiya Bello; Women Affairs, Betty Apiafi; and Works, Adamu Aliero.
The Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, noted that following the formation of the Selection Committee, the next on the agenda of the Senate was the formation of other committees.
The Selection Committee is in charge of choosing committee chairmen and members and comprises the presiding and principal officers across party lines.
Bamidele noted that the next step was to hit the ground running by forming other committees, reception of the ministerial list from the President and Executive communication.
He said, “For us, the next task is to ensure that we hit the ground running so that from tomorrow, we are able to take steps that will show that we have a clear understanding of what is to be done; the first task ahead of us is to constitute special committees of the 10th Senate. Our rules make provision for six special committees.
“Before long, during the month of July, we will have all the special and standing committees properly constituted so that every senator can get busy based on their own professional background and can properly fit into the sector where they can add value.
“We are ready to receive correspondence from the Executive.”
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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