News
Presidential tussle: 7 Justices to determine Tinubu, Atiku, Obi’s fate
Though five petitions were initially entered against the declaration of President Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, as the winner of the presidential contest that involved 17 candidates, however, only three of the petitions made it to the apex court.
Whereas two of the petitions were withdrawn before they could even be heard by the Presidential Election Petition Court, PEPC, that held its proceedings at the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal, of the three petitions that were entered at the Supreme Court, only two of them made it to the last lap of the litigation.
A seven-man panel of the apex court had last Monday, dismissed the case the Allied Peoples Movement, APM, instituted to nullify President Tinubu’s election victory, after the party reluctantly withdrew its appeal which the panel insisted was academic and of no useful legal purpose.
Consequently, the surviving appeals were the ones filed by a former Vice President and candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, as well as his counterpart in the Labour Party, LP, Mr. Peter Obi.
The apex court reserved the to appeals for judgement after all the parties adopted their final briefs of argument past Monday.
Meanwhile, this report, examines the profile of the seven Justices of the Supreme Court that will determine the fate of Tinubu, Atiku and Obi, tomorrow.
Justice John Inyang Okoro
Justice Okoro is the head of the panel that will decide the petitions seeking to remove President Tinubu from office.
He was born on July 11, 1959 in Nung Ukim, Ikono Local Government Area of Akwa Ibom State.
He attended Methodist School, Nung Ukim from 1965-1972, Boys High School, Oron from 1973-1977, School of Arts &Science, Uyo 1979-1981 and the University of Lagos from 1981-1984.
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Supreme Court delivers judgment on Atiku, Obi’s appeals against Tinubu tomorrow
Justice Okoro started his legal career as Magistrate Grade 11 in 1986 and rose through the Magisterial Cadre culminating in his promotion to the post of Chief Magistrate Grade 1 in 1996.
He was then appointed a Judge of the High Court of Akwa Ibom State from 1998-2006. His Lordship was elevated to the Court of Appeal in 2006 and served in that capacity up to 2013.
He has over the years served in different capacities and bodies, including; Member, Election Petition Tribunal, Kano, 1998, Member, Governorship and Legislative Houses Election Petition Tribunal, Ondo State, 2003, Member, Governorship and Legislative Houses Election Petition Tribunal No.2 Delta State, 2003.
He has also attended several seminars, workshops and conferences both locally and internationally.
Justice Okoro was elevated to the Supreme Court on November 15, 2013.
He is currently the fourth most senior justice of the court.
Justice Uwani Musa Abba-Aji
Justice Abba Aji is the most ranking female jurist on the apex court bench and the only female of the panel.
She was born on November 7, 1956, in Gashua, Yobe State. She attended Central Primary School Gashua and Government Girls Secondary School Maiduguri for her Primary and Secondary Education between 1961 and 1972.
She obtained a Diploma in Law from Ahmadu Bello University Zaria in 1976 and subsequently, an L.L.B Hons from the same institution in 1980. She was called to Bar in 1981 and commenced her career as State Counsel in 1982.
Justice Abba-Aji previously held positions of Clerical Assistant (Area Courts Division), Assistant Registrar, Acting Registrar and Higher Registrar between 1973 and 1982. After her appointment as State Counsel in 1982, she rose through various positions becoming an Acting Senior State Counsel in 1984, Senior Magistrate II in 1986, Senior Magistrate I in 1987, Chief Magistrate II in 1989, Chief Magistrate I in 1991 and Chief Registrar in November 1991.
She was appointed Higher Court Judge of Yobe State Judiciary in December 1991 making her the first Lady Judge at Yobe State Judiciary, a position she held until July 2004 when she was elevated to the Court of Appeal.
Before her elevation to the Supreme Court on January 8, 2019, Justice Abba-Aji was the Presiding Justice, Court of Appeal Kaduna Division, a position she held for 4 years.
Justice Mohammed Lawal Garba
Justice Mohammed Lawal Garba was born on November 16, 1958. He hails from Gusau Local Government Area of Zamfara State.
He attended Demonstration Primary School, Maru from 1965-1971, Government Secondary School, Gusau from 1972 -1976, School of Basic Studies Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria from 1976-1977, Faculty of Law, A.B.U, Zaria from 1977-1980, Nigerian Law School, Lagos, from 1980-1981 and the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (UNILAG) Akoka, Lagos in 1989.
He was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1981.
He served as Magistrate in the Sokoto State Judiciary from 1982-1986, Deputy Chief Registrar High Court of Justice, Sokoto State from 1989-1991, appointed Solicitor-General/Director-
He was then appointed a Judge of the High Court of Justice, Sokoto State from 1993-1996. He served as Chief Judge, High Court of Justice, Zamfara State from 1996-2004.
In 2004, Justice Garba was elevated to the Court of Appeal and served at various times as the Presiding Justice at Abuja, Calabar, Port Harcourt and Lagos Divisions of the Court from 2010-2020.
He has over the years, served on different capacities and bodies, including as; Member Body of Benchers from 1996-2004, Member, Board of Governors of the National Judicial Institute (NJI), Abuja 1996-2004, Member, Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC) 1997-1999, Member Body of Benchers 2010 to date, Life Bencher 2018 to date.
Remarkably, he served as a member of the Presidential Election Panel in 2011 and also as Chairman of the Presidential Election Panel that dismissed the petition that Atiku filed to challenge the election of former President Muhammadu Buhari, in 2019.
He was elevated to the Supreme Court on November 6, 2020.
Justice Ibrahim Saulawa
Justice Saulawa was born on September 29, 1956 in the ancient city of Katsina. Katina State. He attended both Primary and Secondary Schools in Katsina from 1965 to 1976 after which he proceeded to the Bayero University Kano in September 1977 and graduated in June 1981 with a Bachelor of Law degree.
The same year, he proceeded to the Nigerian Law School Lagos and was eventually called to the Nigerian Bar on July 2, 1982.
He began his career with the Ministry of Justice, Kaduna State in August 1982 as a Pupil State Counsel (NYSC: (ii) Secretary, Law Officers (Attorneys – General) Committee of the then 10 Northern States; (iii) a Visiting Lecturer, College of Legal and Extra-Mural Studies, Katsina Polytechnic, Katsina 1982-83
He a short private practice, he was made a Magistrate Grade 2 in the Kaduna State Judiciary on September 1, 1983
He served as Chief Magistrate, Katsina State Judiciary, 1987 – 1991; Deputy Chief Registrar/ Chief Registrar, Court of Appeal Lagos 1991 – 1994, High Court Judge, Katsina State Judiciary 1994 – 2006.
Justice Saulawa was elevated to the Bench of the Court of Appeal on June 10. 2006.
He subsequently served as Presiding Justice: Calaber Judicial Division October, 2015 – August. 2018;
Ilorin Judicial Division – September, 2018 – January, 2020 and Port Harcourt Judicial Division – January, 2020 – November 9, 2020.
Justice Saulawa was elevated to the Bench of the Supreme Court on November 10, 2020.
Justice Adamu Jauro
Justice Adamu Jauro was born on June 26, 1959. He hails from Gombe State. He attended Central Primary School, Gombe, Government Secondary School, Bauchi and the School of Basic Science, Zaria.
In 1980, he studied Law at the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria where he bagged his LLB.
Justice Jauro holds a master’s degree in Law from the University of Jos and also has a certificate from the Institute of Advanced Legal Studies.
After he was called to Bar, Jauro worked with the Ministry of Justice in 1983 and was promoted as Director of Public Prosecution.
He served in various capacities before being appointed as a judge of the Gombe State Judiciary where he served till 2007.
In 2007, he was promoted to the Court of Appeal and served in Jos, Lagos, Yola, Ibadan and Port Harcourt.
Justice Jauro was elevated to the Supreme Court bench in November 2020.
Justice Tijjani Abubakar
Justice Tijjani Abubakar, who is a native of Base Local Government Area of Yobe State, was born on April 15, 1960.
He attended Gashua Central Primary School and Government Secondary School, Gashua.
He later attended the School of Basic Science, University of Maiduguri as well as the University of Maiduguri where he studied Law and graduated in 1982.
After graduating from the Nigerian Law School, Justice Abubakar was called to the Bar in 1983.
He had worked as Attorney General, Permanent Secretary and Commissioner for Justice of Yobe State at various times.
He subsequently went into private practice and set up his own law firm, known as Tijani Abubakar and Co. in 2004.
Abubakar returned to public practice with his appointment as a judge of the Federal High Court.
In 2012, he was appointed as Justice of the Court of Appeal.
He was serving at the Lagos Division of the appellate the court when he was elevated to the Supreme Court bench in 2020.
Justice Emmanuel Agim
Justice Emmanuel Agim was born on April 26, 1960, in Obudu, Cross Rivers State.
He obtained his first degree, LLB, at University of Calabar, then BL from the Nigerian Law School, Lagos, and subsequently, LLM, from the University of Wolverhampton, United Kingdom.
After serving as President of the Court of Appeal of The Gambia, and three years as Chief Justice of The Gambia, Justice Agim was later sworn in as a Justice of the Supreme Court of Swaziland on May 2, 2012 where he served in the first all-black bench in the history of Swaziland and her sister countries- Botswana and Lesotho.
On November 5, 2012, he was sworn in as a Justice of the Court of Appeal of Nigeria by the first female Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar.
In October 2019, he was elevated to the Supreme Court of Nigeria.
It be recalled that both Justice Agim and Justice Jauro, were the two members of the apex court bench that gave dissenting judgements that would have dashed hopes of the immediate past Senate President, Ahmed Lawan to contest the 2023 general election.
The duo, contrary to the position of the head of the panel, late Justice Centus Nweze and two other members of the panel, maintained that Lawan was not qualified to contest the Yobe North Senatorial election.
The gave their judgement in favour of Bashir Machina, stressing that Lawan was not the validly nominated candidate of the APC for the senatorial contest.
Notwithstanding the dissenting judgements of Justices Agim and Jauro, Lawan still survived the sledgehammer as the majority decision of three other members of the panel, favoured him.
Vanguard
When Alhaji Atiku Abubakar recently said he would restore petroleum subsidy if elected president, he tapped into a familiar frustration. Fuel prices are high, transport costs bite, and households are feeling the squeeze. That pain is real. But the promise to bring back the old subsidy regime is not relief. It is a return to a policy that bled the treasury, starved the states, and kept Nigeria dependent on borrowing to buy fuel.
For decades the subsidy was sold as a welfare program for the poor. In practice it became the most expensive welfare program for smugglers, marketers, and a handful of importers. The Nigerian National Petroleum Company would claim billions monthly, and no one could audit where the product actually went. That was not social protection. That was fiscal leakage at scale.
The first and most immediate benefit of subsidy removal is fiscal breathing room. In 2022 alone, subsidy gulped over 4 trillion naira. That was more than we spent on education, health, and capital projects combined. When that money stopped going to fuel, it did not disappear. It stayed in government coffers, and a large share of it flows directly to the sub nationals through FAAC.
The sub nationals are where the difference is being felt most. States and local governments now receive significantly higher monthly allocations. Governors in Rivers, Lagos, Kano, and others have reported FAAC receipts nearly doubling compared to pre-removal levels. That is money that can pay teachers, fix primary health centers, and clear pension arrears without waiting for Abuja bailouts.
In Rivers State, for example, the additional resources have allowed the state government to accelerate road projects, expand the school feeding conversation, and invest in water and sanitation. Across the country, states are using the windfall to clear salary backlogs and to fund security. That is the direct link between subsidy removal and better services at your doorstep.
Beyond recurrent needs, the removal unlocked capital spending. With subsidy gone, the federal government and states are no longer borrowing just to keep petrol cheap. Instead, we are seeing commitments to CNG buses, mass transit, student loans, and conditional cash transfers. These are targeted interventions. They reach the vulnerable without subsidizing a businessman in Cotonou who drives across the border to buy cheap fuel.
One of the quietest but biggest wins is the end of the subsidy-driven smuggling economy. When Nigerian petrol was artificially cheap, an estimated 30 to 40 percent was leaving our borders daily. That drained our forex and rewarded criminal networks. With prices aligned to market, the incentive to smuggle collapsed almost overnight. That saves dollars and restores integrity to our supply chain.
Sub nationals also gained policy space. Before, states were trapped. They could not raise IGR fast enough to match their responsibilities because the center was spending all its revenue on fuel. Now, with more money coming from FAAC and with subsidy no longer a federal albatross, states can plan medium-term budgets. They can borrow for infrastructure knowing their revenue base is real, not propped up by a phantom fuel bill.
The macroeconomic case is just as strong. Subsidy removal freed up foreign exchange that was being used to import and “subsidize” fuel. That pressure contributed to naira volatility. With the drain gone, the CBN has more room to stabilize the market, and investors see a government willing to make hard choices. Confidence matters for FDI, and FDI builds factories, not just fuel stations.
Let us be honest about the counterargument. Atiku and others argue that Nigerians cannot afford the current prices and that government should cushion the pain by restoring subsidy. The compassion is understandable. But the method is wrong. A blanket subsidy is the bluntest tool possible. It subsidizes the rich who own three cars, it subsidizes generators in malls, and it subsidizes our neighbors.
Targeted support is both cheaper and fairer. The savings from subsidy removal are already funding student loans, nano-grants, and public transport reforms. Those programs can be scaled. If we put 1 trillion naira directly into transport, health insurance, and food support, the impact on the poor will be ten times what the same 1 trillion did when spread thinly across every liter of petrol.
International experience backs this. Indonesia, India, and Ghana all removed fuel subsidies and redirected the savings to health, education, and cash transfers. In each case there was short-term pain, followed by stronger public services. Countries that reversed course and brought subsidies back, like Egypt in 2014 before its second reform, ended up in deeper debt crises.
Restoring subsidy now would also reverse private sector investment. Since the removal, private companies have begun investing in refineries, CNG conversion centers, and logistics. Dangote Refinery, modular refineries, and gas infrastructure are viable only because prices reflect costs. If we announce that subsidy will return, those investors pause. That means fewer jobs in Port Harcourt, Warri, and Lagos.
For the sub nationals, a return to subsidy is a direct pay cut. FAAC would shrink again. States would go back to borrowing to pay salaries. Projects started with the new revenues would stall. Local governments, which depend almost entirely on federal transfers, would be the first to feel it. That is not theoretical. We lived it for 20 years.
Atiku’s argument rests on the idea that the timing was wrong and the palliatives were insufficient. Fair critique. But the solution to poor implementation is better implementation, not abandoning the reform. We should demand faster rollout of CNG buses, more transparency in how FAAC windfalls are spent, and stronger monitoring of state budgets. We should not demand a return to the policy that caused the weakness.
The subsidy was also a corruption magnet. It created a system where claims were king and verification was optional. Removing it broke that cycle. Bringing it back without fixing the governance structure is inviting the same fraud, only now with higher global oil prices and a weaker naira.
There is also a climate and energy angle. Cheap petrol discouraged gas adoption and kept us locked into generators. With market pricing, CNG, electric tricycles, and solar become economically sensible. States can lead this transition because they now have the funds to subsidize conversion kits, not fuel itself.
Politically, the promise to restore subsidy sounds popular in the short term. But governance is about trade-offs. The trade-off here is clear: cheap fuel for a few months versus hospitals, roads, and jobs for years. Sub nationals have already shown what they can do with the extra money. To take it away is to punish the very level of government closest to the people.
Finally, debt. Subsidy was financed largely by borrowing and by unpaid arrears to NNPC. That debt was crowding out everything else. Every naira we do not spend on subsidy is a naira we do not have to borrow. That lowers interest payments, which in turn frees more money for states and local governments.
Nigeria does not need a return to the past. We need to finish the work of this reform. That means plugging leakages, auditing state spending, and scaling targeted support so no family is left behind.
Alhaji Atiku is a respected Nigerian, but on this point he is wrong. Restoring subsidy would undo the single most important fiscal correction we have made in a generation. It would hurt the states, weaken the naira, and put us back on the borrowing treadmill.
The better path is forward. Keep the subsidy gone. Let the sub nationals keep the resources. And let government prove that the savings can translate into tangible relief. That is how we turn pain into progress, and that is how we build a Nigeria that works beyond election cycles.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku and the All Progressives Congress Candidate for Ikwuano Umuahia Federal Constituency.
Seven people have died and seven others sustained injuries in a fatal road crash on the Bida-Kutigi road in Niger State, the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) has confirmed.
The FRSC Niger Sector Commander, Corps Commander Aishatu Sa’adu, confirmed the incident to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Sunday.
Sa’adu said the crash occurred on Sunday afternoon at Shebe village, a few kilometres from Kutigi town.
According to her, the accident involved a Mazda vehicle and a Siena bus travelling along the Bida-Kutigi road.
“Seven people lost their lives, seven others were injured while four were rescued without injuries, bringing the total involved to 18,” she said.
The sector commander said the seven victims who died were confirmed dead at the scene, while the injured victims sustained injuries of varying degrees.
She said the injured were evacuated to Kutigi General Hospital for medical attention, while the remains of the deceased were deposited at the hospital’s mortuary.
The FRSC official did not immediately disclose the identities of the victims or provide further details on the circumstances surrounding the collision.
The crash involved a total of 18 people, comprising seven fatalities, seven injured persons and four uninjured survivors.
Authorities are expected to investigate the cause of the accident and determine the circumstances that led to the fatal collision.
The presidential candidate of the People’s Redemption Party (PRP), Donald Duke, has described as a “lie” the claim that Nigeria is Africa’s wealthiest country, arguing that the country remains one of the poorest on the continent when measured by per capita income.
Duke, a former governor of Cross River State, stated this during an interview with journalists in Lagos.
He said Nigeria’s position as Africa’s largest economy by Gross Domestic Product (GDP) did not necessarily reflect the living standards of its citizens.
“It is embarrassing that a country that was considered one of the wealthiest in Africa still thinks today that it is the largest economy in Africa. That is not true.
“We are living a lie. It is a nice sound bite, though, to say that Nigeria is the largest economy in Africa. No. Nigeria is just one of the poorest when you take per capita income into consideration,” he said.
Duke said productivity remained critical to economic development, noting that several countries Nigerians considered smaller had higher per capita incomes.
On insecurity, the PRP presidential candidate said he preferred not to describe terrorists operating in Nigeria as “Islamic terrorists”, arguing that their activities were not driven by Islam.
He attributed part of the security challenges, particularly in Northern Nigeria, to the collapse of Libya, which he said contributed to the movement of arms into Nigeria through its land borders.
Duke said the government needed short-, medium- and long-term measures to tackle kidnapping, banditry and terrorism.
“Right now, you have got to deal with the security problems as they exist today — kidnapping, banditry, terrorism and all that.
“But even beyond that, those things are consequences of other things. They are consequences of a very poor economy and, of course, the failure to properly manage our borders,” he said.
He also called for measures to improve citizens’ productivity through increased local production and the use of modern technology to strengthen border security.
On the economic development of Northern Nigeria, Duke said that, if elected president, he would restructure mining activities in the region to ensure that local and state governments, as well as host communities, benefited from the sector.
He said the region’s mineral deposits, rather than oil in the Chad Basin, represented a major economic opportunity.
“There must be a structured way of mining. Today, it is artisanal, and the broader community, the border communities, society and the nation itself do not adequately benefit from those resources,” Duke said.
He cited gold deposits in Zamfara State as an example, saying insecurity had affected mining activities in the area.
Duke proposed that each state should be treated as an economic entity, with the Federal Government working with state governments to assess mineral deposits and establish proven reserves capable of attracting investors.
He said mining development should involve a partnership between the Federal and state governments, with revenues shared between both levels of government.
However, Duke stressed that security remained essential to attracting investment into the mining sector.
“Nobody is going to invest if there is no security,” he said, citing the experience of the Niger Delta, where insecurity had contributed to oil companies moving their operations to offshore locations.
This scrutiny follows the revelation that the Federation Account disbursed about N47tn to the three tiers of government in the three years since the removal of petrol subsidy.
This was as the Federal Government, 36 states and 774 local governments shared a cumulative N93.216tn as revenue from the Federation Account between 2017 and 2025, with more than half of the amount distributed in the three years following the economic reforms introduced by the Federal Government in 2023.
These figures were disclosed in a document obtained by our correspondent from the Federal Ministry of Finance on Sunday.
It showed that N47.25tn, representing about 50.7 per cent of the N93.13tn shared during the period, was distributed between 2023 and 2025 alone, highlighting the sharp expansion in revenues following the removal of petrol subsidy, exchange rate reforms and increased revenue mobilisation.
But policy analysts, civil society groups and other critics say the increase in revenue has not translated into a corresponding improvement in the living conditions of Nigerians facing rising living costs, unemployment, poverty and inadequate public services.
In an interview, a policy analyst, Adebayo Abubakar, said the removal of subsidy had increased government revenues but argued that the additional funds had not always translated into spending that reflected the economic hardship facing Nigerians.
“Roads, bridges, drainage and other infrastructure remain important, but some governments appear to favour conspicuous projects while schools, healthcare facilities, water supply and other basic services receive inadequate attention,” he said.
The removal of petrol subsidy and other economic reforms introduced by the Federal Government in 2023 have triggered an unprecedented surge in revenue flowing into the Federation Account, with the 36 states and 774 local government areas receiving significantly higher allocations amid growing questions over how the windfall has translated into improved infrastructure, security and public services.
The sharp increase in Federation Account Allocation Committee payouts has, however, placed state governors under renewed scrutiny, as many Nigerians continue to grapple with high living costs, poor infrastructure and worsening insecurity despite the substantial growth in revenues available to subnational governments.
While some governors have linked higher FAAC receipts to road construction, bridges, healthcare, education, workers’ welfare and other projects, residents in some states said the increased revenue had not resulted in improved public services or reduced economic hardship.
Findings by The PUNCH showed that the Federal Government, states and local governments received about N47tn from the Federation Account in the three years following the reforms, exceeding the amount shared in the preceding six-year period and reigniting the debate over the benefits and consequences of the subsidy removal policy.
FAAC disbursements
The document showed that FAAC distributions rose from N5.64tn in 2017 to N21.90tn in 2025, representing an increase of about 288 per cent over the nine-year period.
Year-by-year, net FAAC stood at N5.64tn in 2017, N7.98tn in 2018, N7.85tn in 2019, N7.11tn in 2020, N8.12tn in 2021 and N9.18tn in 2022. It subsequently rose to N10.09tn in 2023, N15.26tn in 2024 and a record N21.90tn in 2025.
The development highlights the dramatic transformation in Nigeria’s federation revenue following the removal of petrol subsidy, reforms in the foreign exchange market and efforts to improve revenue mobilisation.
It also exposes the limits of measuring Nigeria’s revenue growth in naira terms alone. While the removal of petrol subsidy, foreign exchange reforms and improved revenue mobilisation helped to push FAAC allocations sharply higher, a significant part of the increase reflects the devaluation of the naira.
For instance, Nigeria shared N7.98tn through FAAC in 2018, which, at the Central Bank of Nigeria exchange rate at the time, was equivalent to about $26bn. By 2025, the amount shared had risen almost threefold to N21.9tn. However, when converted at the CBN exchange rate for 2025, the allocation was worth only about $14.4bn.
In other words, while FAAC distribution increased by about 174 per cent in naira terms between 2018 and 2025, its dollar value fell by roughly 45 per cent, or about $11.6bn.
The comparison suggests that the apparent surge in federation revenue was driven not only by increased revenue generation and reforms, but also by the weaker naira, which translated dollar-denominated oil and other foreign currency earnings into substantially larger amounts of naira.
The document showed that net FAAC allocations stood at N5.64tn in 2017 and rose to N7.98tn in 2018, representing a 29 per cent increase. However, growth was not sustained in the following two years.
The distributable revenue fell by two per cent to N7.85tn in 2019. It declined further by 10 per cent to N7.11tn in 2020, reflecting the economic disruptions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic and developments in the oil market.
The distributable revenue, however, recovered to N8.12tn in 2021 and increased to N9.18tn in 2022. The document put the average annual growth rate for the pre-reform period at eight per cent. But the sharpest increase came after the reforms introduced in 2023.
Net FAAC rose to N10.09tn in 2023, representing a nine per cent increase. It then jumped by 34 per cent to N15.26tn in 2024 and expanded by another 30 per cent to a record N21.90tn in 2025.
This means the average annual growth rate accelerated from eight per cent in the pre-reform period to 24 per cent between 2023 and 2025. In effect, the pace of growth in distributable federation revenue was three times higher in the post-reform period than the average recorded before the reforms.
The figures also showed the extraordinary weight of the last three years in Nigeria’s federation revenue history. Of the N93.13tn shared between 2017 and 2025, the N47.25tn distributed between 2023 and 2025 alone exceeded the combined allocations recorded in several earlier years, meaning that every N2 shared over the nine-year period contained more than N1 distributed after the reforms.
Finance ministry speaks
The Federal Ministry of Finance, in its assessment of the reforms, said states and local governments had received substantially higher allocations, increasing the resources available to subnational governments for salaries, pensions, infrastructure and other public responsibilities.
The ministry said, “States and local governments received significantly higher allocations through the Federation Account, increasing the resources available to meet salaries, pensions, infrastructure and other responsibilities at the subnational level that benefit the people.”
It added that, compared with the monthly run-rate before the removal of petrol subsidy, “states received about N9.17tn in additional allocations from June 2023 to December 2025,” while local governments received about N6.66tn in additional allocations during the same period.
Further analysis of tier-by-tier annual distribution figures for 2022 to 2025 showed that the Federal Government received N1.996tn in 2022, N3.749tn in 2023, N4.570tn in 2024 and N7.024tn in 2025, bringing its four-year allocation to about N17.34tn.
The figures showed that the states emerged as the biggest beneficiaries of the post-reform expansion in FAAC receipts. Their annual allocation jumped from N4.18tn in 2023 to N8.93tn in 2025, more than doubling within two years. In 2024, states received N6.53tn, exceeding the Federal Government’s N4.57tn allocation in the figures contained in the document.
A World Bank analysis similarly identified 2024 as a turning point when state governments received more from FAAC distributable revenues than the Federal Government, reflecting a structural shift in the pattern of federation revenue distribution.
The expansion in FAAC receipts has been linked largely to the fiscal reforms introduced by President Bola Tinubu’s administration after it assumed office in May 2023.
The reforms included the removal of petrol subsidy and changes to the foreign exchange regime, alongside efforts to improve tax collection and revenue remittances.
News
Nwabueze Denies Running ‘Fake Agency’, Says Made-in-Nigeria Project Has Operated Under OSGF for 16 Years
The National Coordinator and Executive Director of the National Brands Development and Made in Nigeria Special Project Office, George Nwabueze, has denied the allegation of running a “fake agency” in the country.
Nwabueze, who spoke with newsmen on Saturday, noted that he oversaw an office which was under the supervision of the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.
He noted that the office had been in existence for 16 years.
The Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission had on Friday said the President had ordered Nwabueze’s arrest for leading and promoting the outfit, which it tagged as a fake federal agency.
The ICPC said the accused was running it with the collaboration of senior public servants in the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.
But responding to our correspondent, the embattled executive director said, “Made in Nigeria Special Project Office is a project office in the OSGF. We don’t know where fake agency comes from. A programme that has been in the SGF’s office since 16 July 2010 was just discovered yesterday (Friday). After 16 years; Nigeria is a funny country.”
Nwabueze spoke while responding to our correspondent’s enquiries on LinkedIn, where he had earlier posted his appointment letter to rebuff ICPC’s claim of illegality.
The letter, dated October 3, 2025, was purportedly issued by the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.
It was referenced OSGF/MIN/59310/11/205 and signed by the Permanent Secretary, Political and Economic Affairs Office, Nadungu Gagare.
The letter, addressed to “Hon. George Buchi Nwabueze, National Coordinator, Made in Nigeria Project Office, OSGF, Three Arms Zone, Abuja,” conveyed the approval of his appointment as National Coordinator/Executive Director of the Made in Nigeria Project Office under the OSGF.
According to the document, the appointment was for a five-year tenure beginning from July 2025 and was renewable.
“I am directed to formally convey the approval of your appointment as National Coordinator/Executive Director of the Made in Nigeria Project Office under the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation,” the letter stated.
It added that the appointment followed “a careful evaluation of your commitment, contribution, and capacity in delivering on the mandate of the Special Project Office.”
The document listed Nwabueze’s responsibilities to include the supervision and development of programmes, projects and policies; supervision of regional and state coordinators across the 36 states; and organisation of exhibitions, trade expos, economic summits and other promotional initiatives aimed at promoting indigenous products and services.
It further stated that the project was to operate temporarily from Room B53, Ground Floor, within the OSGF complex.
“Please note that this appointment is at the pleasure of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and in line with the objectives of the Made in Nigeria initiative under the Renewed Hope Agenda,” the letter said.
Efforts to engage Nwabueze further on the matter proved abortive as he declined response.
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