Opinion
Peter Mbah and the burden of leadership
By Prince Ejeh Josh
The stage for a new dawn in the history of our nation is beginning to phase in with current administrations winding down on May 29, and new administrations taking over the mantle of leadership in Nigeria and its federating units. The coast has become clearer after the February 25 and March 18 general elections as to which power blocs are forming governments at different levels.
The formation of new governments by emerging class of leaders, however, is not the fundamental issue bulging the minds of citizens. The shapes and dynamics of the last elections pointed unambiguously to the primary concerns of Nigerians, more so, the youths who constitute a sizeable determinant demography of who leads them. The general elections, although consigned to the rubble of history, have been described by watchers and analysts as a bloodless revolution which, to an extent, defied political parties, tribal and clannish affiliations and religious sentiment to personalisation assessment. It became what the social scientists would usually refer to as the principle of behavioralism. It is no longer about the abstract entity called political party even though the constitution and the electoral law recognise political parties as inevitable vehicles that must convey individuals canvassing to lead or rule the people.
The recent political wave left a strong message behind which many analysts had failed to predict accurately. The message was clear: it is no longer business as usual. It is no longer about politics of political parties but individuals. Voters became increasingly cognizant of their political environment and the role their votes could play in charting a new course in their lives, future, destiny and shared patrimony. They became even more participatory in the political and electoral process in the build-up to the general elections. In an international conference organised by the Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria, last year, where I presented a paper on the “Impacts of Political Culture and Electoral Process on Political Behaviour” with my focus on Nigeria, I bemoaned the triggers of political apathy among voters and how the end products benefitted some accidental candidates that found themselves in power by the benevolence and dictates of political godfathers rather than riding on the general assessment of the electorate based on independent phenomena such as competence, capacity, character, credibility, track records, and above all, clear vision on the pathway to socio-political harmony and economic recovery.
Indeed, we are all disgruntled as voters spanning and stretching from years of unfulfilled promises and unmet expectations from rulers in the context of democracy. Years of frustration and bottled up anger from the wasteful lifestyle of political actors, deceit, unemployment, poverty, lack of basic amenities in the midst of vexatious and scandalous waste and plenty aroused Nigerian voters to action. Economic depression, inflation, weak legal tender, insecurity and mindless lack of empathy by supposed representatives of the people led to the accumulated provocation leading to a major electoral explosion. The Southeast zone became a theatre of electoral battle. Lagos, Anambra, Enugu, Benue, Abia, Rivers, Kano, Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, among other states and constituencies were lost and won. It was ostensibly, the battle of Armageddon. The people queried individual candidates on their proposed programmes and policies and how they intended to implement them. Their capacities were tactically assessed despite the fact that some candidates rode on the altar of the wave of the tsunami that swept across the nation.
By the time the storm was over, some people were not lucky enough to be accommodated in the sweeping hurricane for obvious reasons; gross incompetence and history of leadership failure. Like the former Nigeria President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, once wrote: “You do not reinforce failure.” This was the case in Enugu State. The electorate had vehemently refused to reinforce failure in the governorship election. Peter Ndubuishi Mbah emerged victorious from the electoral struggle. He won free, fair and square despite the malignant character assassination, fake news, falsehood and calculated attempts by opposition traducers to misrepresent him before the people. Mbah won laudably based on his antecedent as a successful manager of the economy, wealth creator, employment generator and competence. Among all the candidates that contested the election in the state, he was rated the best in terms of competence, capacity, character, and preparedness. The people voted for him. They handed over their collective mandate to him. They are all looking up to him for another revolution in governance and administration.
Let me note this with sly aloofness. I am not envious of Mbah’s governorship seat. Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown. Enugu people are desperate for good governance just like Nigerians are. Mbah will have to do the impossible out of sheer ingenuity and leadership dexterity to meet up with the high expectations and craves from the people. He has to be audacious, step on toes in order to correct some festering anomalies, take some firmer resolutions, unsettle some sensitive establishments through alternative displacement, and set up a functional system with immediacy. He shoulders burdens expected of someone with a magical wand. I will, however, not be surprised if he delivers on these expectations taking account of his background. Will Mbah become another Lee Kuan Yew who turned Singapore from a poor country; an island of mudflats and swamps into a developed metropolitan country competing as one of the world’s best today? Time will tell.
The brazen fact about Mbah’s leadership is that he would face multiple challenges, ranging from how to manage and reconcile disparate interests with that of his core administration policies, reform the prevailing socio-economic policies for meaningful improvement, avoid distraction by critics posing as agents of democracy, distance self from sycophants and political demagogues, think inwards on revenue generation, favourable tax regime, and prepare for frequent but unavoidable clashes with elitist philosophy especially in the redistribution of income and recapitalization of the economy through small and medium scale enterprises.
To succeed on his promises to the people of the state, Mbah would have to take a radical approach on the economy and those he employs to manage critical sectors of the economy. This will require political will that will ultimately resist political pressure and blackmail. The best hands must be engaged, regardless of political leaning. Experts and technocrats must be sourced to run the system in order to encourage investors. At all times, the governor must have in mind that, whatever be the credit or blame arising from administrative inefficiencies, recklessness or incompetence from his appointees goes to him. He bears the direct consequences and impact. This is why politics should not be the first consideration in making appointments. The people that voted for him and how he intended to fulfil his social charter with them should be the first consideration.
Although, we have seen Mbah take some decisive steps pointing to the direction of his administration. His appointment of a 64-man transition committee described as seasoned “technocrats, good governance, transparency and accountability advocates, financial and management experts, entrepreneurs as well as tech and innovation specialists” to streamline the state development plan to implementable charter. Like he noted in his 62-page manifesto, his governance philosophy is to deliver quality, people-focused governance by making the state the preferred destination for investment, business, tourism and living, and to also make it one of the top 3 states in Nigeria in terms of gross domestic product, and achieve a zero percent rate in poverty headcount index, these steps have far-reaching effect on the economy and welfare of the people. One would, however, query the extent this tactical operation can go without extraneous influence and scuttling by political actors who are or may likely consider some of the policies as too complex to manage their interest.
Mbah would also work hard to win the confidence of both local and foreign investors since his economic blueprint will be taking a shift from public sector to private sector driven economy. He wants to industrialize. He wants to build world tech hub. He wants to attract Google, Twitter, Meta (Facebook) and other tech giants. Policies must be transparent with easy accessibility of information by interested investors. Mbah has laid his roadmap for agro-allied revolution through land tenure reform. To achieve this, he must urgently address the burning issue of land grabbing among the citizens by those in positions of public trust and ensure justice is served. Writing in his, The Prince, the Italian diplomat, Niccolo Machiavelli, warned leaders against willful land grabbing as it could spark off violence and protracted resentment. According to him, “But above all, he (leaders/rulers) must refrain from seizing the property of others, because a man is quicker to forget the death of his father than the loss of his patrimony (property).” Addressing accusations of land grabbing by the government will restore people’s confidence in the land administration, and this will be a win for the planned agro-industrialisation.
While I hope Mbah would look at the different economic models and stimulus that could help him navigate the lean and dwindling state’s resources in order to manage the all time rising debt profile of the state, I would want to commend him on the drastic steps he has been taking to fulfill his promise of giving water to the people within 180 days in office. This is a herculean task laying ahead of him. It is, however, not insurmountable. In one of his unreported journeys in search for water in the forest as an assurance that he meant business, I was privileged to be in the tour. Mbah was in the bush, drenched in swamp, asking questions as to the millions of litres or cubic meters of clean water the Ajali Water Scheme, Oji River Waterworks, Iva Valley water etc, could supply in a day in their full capacity. We spent hours in the forest with his team of engineers assessing the upstream and midstream infrastructure. To be frank, Mbah would have to buckle his belt to fulfill this promise. We saw decayed infrastructure. We saw abandonment. We saw waste. Most interesting, the state still depends on the badly damaged, outlived infrastructure laid by the colonial masters to run. But Mbah said he is bringing respite. I hope Enugu people will support his efforts by keying into the collective agenda.
Tapping into the unmined natural resources and other deposits in the state to boost the revenues accruing to the government will be the best bet. However, this is not always easy because of the time, plan, capital, expertise and policies involved. Mbah would have to take courage in grabbing this space to break even in his administration. He would partner not only with private investors but also with the federal government for license and concession, and with the people who would see the project as a collective responsibility and patrimony for the greater good of the state. The Mbah’s administration will definitely come under attacks and campaign of calumny by profiteers of the massive corruption and thievery of the state resources. There are presently illegal mining activities in the state by some elements. Enugu has one of the best coal in the world. Over the years, mining activities are illegally going on while government is losing huge revenue as a result of that. This would have to stop. Resistance is expected.
The incoming leadership must carefully negotiate the state’s political economy to avoid pitfalls of its predecessors. A government that wants to succeed must never strive to please everybody. According to the English philosopher, Jeremy Bentham, the job of government must be to champion and promote the greatest good of the greatest number of the people. That means that some selfish interest from few segments of the society aiming detrimentally at the majority interest, regardless of how powerful the group is, must be ignored. The present Enugu State is in dire needs of sanitation and clean environment, infrastructure, robust health programmes that will enhance citizens’ wellbeing, and education reform that will inculcate modern curriculum such as concentration on science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Mbah has a lot of workloads on his shoulder and he must drive that with sense of urgency. After all, he is fond of the famous quote by the former American First Lady, Rosalynn Carter that, “A leader takes people where they want to go. A great leader takes people where they don’t necessarily want to go, but ought to be.” I hope Mbah will be the great leader that will take his people to where they ought to be.
By Felix Oboagwina
Towards the Osun State governorship election of August 15, not a few expected heaven to fall. All the signs were there. “Dead body surplus,” as they say on the streets. No fewer than 29 corpses laid underneath the soil, lives cut short for a purely political reason. Records cited 79 violent incidents. Thugs had been imported to complement local thugs.
When E-Day came, Nigeria’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) invaded Osogbo, the state capital, with all its Federal might. Up to 16 governors, alongside national figures like the Senate President and Speaker, vacated their comfort zones and migrated with brazenly loud–mouthed and foul–mouthed foot–soldiers into Osun, a state their party had declared a warzone they must conquer at all costs.
It did not matter to these APC goons that what they desired did not desire them. Osun people did not hide their love for their dancing Governor Ademola Adeleke. For these citizens, this beautiful soul with a distinguished family pedigree had not only waltzed his way into their hearts, he had in performance and projects surpassed the last two APC governors.
The Nigerian police had taken sides. They were unabashedly pro-APC. For all the killings unleashed against Accord, Adeleke’s party, the police still haven’tbrought any murderer to trial. Unfettered andunrestrained, the death squad roamed the streets of Osun seeking Accord people to devour. But as the Yoruba say, the craftiness of a concubine’s inner-circle can be equally matched by the cunningness of the husband’s own. Accord supporters also showed that, when pushed to the wall, they could match fire for fire. They made APC members too to pay the supreme price. Miffed with the fight-back, a certain Senator publicly egged his people to “kill Accord” members on sight. He spoke openly and on record. Yet the police failed to rein him in. On the other hand, Osun State Government VIPs, like the Chief of Staff, were rounded up. The Chief of Staff to the Governor, ANY GOVERNOR, is His Excellency’s nerve centre. Picking up Adeleke’s CoSamounted to going for Adeleke himself. But this was police victimising the victim.
The Progressives’ usual bad boys breezed in from Lagos and Abuja. They dared the Governor. They brazenly defied his efforts to enforce the peace. With police serving as their rear guard, they raided bus–stops. When Navyofficers, equally brought in to provide security, picked up these goons and guns, police trampled upon “espirit de corps,” attacked this sister Force and freed the hoodlums.
In the midst of all this bizarreness, Grammy nominee musician and nephew to the Governor, Davido, internationalised APC’s iniquity. He swore to drag the Federal-ruling party to the US, the UN, the UK and the EU if it rigged the election results.
However, the most important element in Nigeria’s election is the umpire: INEC. Would the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) withstand or would it kowtow to the Federal ruling party like the police had done? It all boiled down to the new man running the commission.
When the newest Sheriff landed in INEC in October 2025, sceptics shook their fists in anger. Like the President, Professor Joash Amupitan is Yoruba. And sceptics quickly disparaged the appointment of this University of Jos Law Professor as fitting into the established profile of the President as a regional, Yoruba-centric leader. Multifarious attacks landed from several sides. The appointee’s anonymity did not help matters. Who was this Amupitan? Unlike Professor Attahiru Jega, Justice Victor Ovie–Whiskey, Justice Tayo Akpata, Professor Maurice Iwu, Professor Humphrey Nwosu and others who hugged the klieg–lights long before securing the electoral umpire job, Amupitan came from the shadows. No one knew him. UNIJOS, from where he obtained his Bachelor’s, Master’s and Doctorate degrees, hardly made the news –much less this Professor of Law who earned his silk as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria in 2014. Even the little known about this UNIJOS teacher, who rose to become its Deputy Vice Chancellor, sparked controversy and rendered him politically incorrect to the powers-that-be in the Northern establishment. Why? One paper he wrote undid him. In the paper he presented in 2020, this Christian Prof had dared to pontificate against the terrorism that ravaged the North and the Fulani militants behind the bloodshed. Titling his paper as, “Nigeria’s Silent Slaughter,” the Senior Advocate of Nigeria called for urgent international intervention to stop what he termed “pogrom and attacks against the Christians and minority groups in Nigeria” by two extremist movements —Boko Haram and Fulani herdsmen. He didn’t stop with just naming and shaming these two genocide squads. Amupitan went ahead and committed the unpardonable sin of criticising the government for recognising Boko Haram as a terrorist organisation but failing to officially label Fulani herdsmen as terrorists. And in 2020, when Amupitan wrote that paper, remember, the Pan-Fulani Muhammadu Buhari held sway as President.
For that singular literary work, the Northern oligarchydeclared the North-Central Kogi State-born Amupitan an anathema. They piled pressure on Tinubu to discard him like a menstrual rag. The President stubbornly paid them deaf ears.
Amupitan appears to have justified Tinubu’s confidence, and that of those who spoke up for this SAN. Under this 62-year-old Prof, INEC has held by-elections and off-cycle elections, and not one governorship poll has been returned inconclusive. None!
Think! This was the same INEC which, under its last Chairman Mahmood Yakubu, littered the entire country with “inconclusive” elections. In Mahmood’s first four years (2015-2019), his INEC conducted 46 inconclusive elections. In 2019 alone, Mahmood delivered seven inconclusive governorship elections: Sokoto, Bauchi, Adamawa, Benue, Kano, Plateau, Rivers and Kano. But Amupitan’s tenure looks like a breath of fresh air.
Same INEC!
Same Commissioners!
Same Resident Electoral Commissioners!
So what changed? A new man steers INEC’s wheel! A new sheriff came to town! Not many have sung his praise. But the Osun elections proved just how stubborn and principled this gentleman can be. Governors, 16 of them, encamped in Osun. They came with tons of cash and foot–soldiers primed to snatch, grab and run. But all theirthunder and their shenanigans fizzled out into a whimper. But their efforts didn’t die easily. Phone calls assailed Amupitan from all corners –the National Assembly, The Presidency– ordering him: Stop the counting! Announce the election as inconclusive! But the UNIJOS Prof turned deaf ears and insisted the process ran its course. At the end of the day, votes counted. This unsung hero, Amupitan, ensured this happened in Osun. It took guts! It took strength of character! Say it: Yes, it took the fear of God!
What many don’t know is that Amupitan happens to be one of these public servants who cannot but flaunt their born-again toga. He is an Elder of the Christ Apostolic Church, CAC. Those who know him testify that he has lived by the CAC creed and grail. To boot, he holds no less a position than the Pro-Chancellor of the CAC-owned Joseph Ayo Babalola University, JABU. The Prof practises not orthodox Christianity, but the fire-bred brand of fundamental Christianity.
What does all this portend for 2027? When it matters mostto Nigerians, will the saintly principles of this unsung hero of the Osun State election goad him to deliver a credible election? Can he? Will he?
OBOAGWINA, JOURNALIST, AUTHOR AND MEDIA CONTENT PROVIDER, SENT THIS PIECE FROM LAGOS, AND WILL WELCOME FEEDBACK VIA “FOBOAGWINA@GMAIL.COM”
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
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