Opinion
Peter Mbah and the burden of leadership
By Prince Ejeh Josh
The stage for a new dawn in the history of our nation is beginning to phase in with current administrations winding down on May 29, and new administrations taking over the mantle of leadership in Nigeria and its federating units. The coast has become clearer after the February 25 and March 18 general elections as to which power blocs are forming governments at different levels.
The formation of new governments by emerging class of leaders, however, is not the fundamental issue bulging the minds of citizens. The shapes and dynamics of the last elections pointed unambiguously to the primary concerns of Nigerians, more so, the youths who constitute a sizeable determinant demography of who leads them. The general elections, although consigned to the rubble of history, have been described by watchers and analysts as a bloodless revolution which, to an extent, defied political parties, tribal and clannish affiliations and religious sentiment to personalisation assessment. It became what the social scientists would usually refer to as the principle of behavioralism. It is no longer about the abstract entity called political party even though the constitution and the electoral law recognise political parties as inevitable vehicles that must convey individuals canvassing to lead or rule the people.
The recent political wave left a strong message behind which many analysts had failed to predict accurately. The message was clear: it is no longer business as usual. It is no longer about politics of political parties but individuals. Voters became increasingly cognizant of their political environment and the role their votes could play in charting a new course in their lives, future, destiny and shared patrimony. They became even more participatory in the political and electoral process in the build-up to the general elections. In an international conference organised by the Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria, last year, where I presented a paper on the “Impacts of Political Culture and Electoral Process on Political Behaviour” with my focus on Nigeria, I bemoaned the triggers of political apathy among voters and how the end products benefitted some accidental candidates that found themselves in power by the benevolence and dictates of political godfathers rather than riding on the general assessment of the electorate based on independent phenomena such as competence, capacity, character, credibility, track records, and above all, clear vision on the pathway to socio-political harmony and economic recovery.
Indeed, we are all disgruntled as voters spanning and stretching from years of unfulfilled promises and unmet expectations from rulers in the context of democracy. Years of frustration and bottled up anger from the wasteful lifestyle of political actors, deceit, unemployment, poverty, lack of basic amenities in the midst of vexatious and scandalous waste and plenty aroused Nigerian voters to action. Economic depression, inflation, weak legal tender, insecurity and mindless lack of empathy by supposed representatives of the people led to the accumulated provocation leading to a major electoral explosion. The Southeast zone became a theatre of electoral battle. Lagos, Anambra, Enugu, Benue, Abia, Rivers, Kano, Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, among other states and constituencies were lost and won. It was ostensibly, the battle of Armageddon. The people queried individual candidates on their proposed programmes and policies and how they intended to implement them. Their capacities were tactically assessed despite the fact that some candidates rode on the altar of the wave of the tsunami that swept across the nation.
By the time the storm was over, some people were not lucky enough to be accommodated in the sweeping hurricane for obvious reasons; gross incompetence and history of leadership failure. Like the former Nigeria President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, once wrote: “You do not reinforce failure.” This was the case in Enugu State. The electorate had vehemently refused to reinforce failure in the governorship election. Peter Ndubuishi Mbah emerged victorious from the electoral struggle. He won free, fair and square despite the malignant character assassination, fake news, falsehood and calculated attempts by opposition traducers to misrepresent him before the people. Mbah won laudably based on his antecedent as a successful manager of the economy, wealth creator, employment generator and competence. Among all the candidates that contested the election in the state, he was rated the best in terms of competence, capacity, character, and preparedness. The people voted for him. They handed over their collective mandate to him. They are all looking up to him for another revolution in governance and administration.
Let me note this with sly aloofness. I am not envious of Mbah’s governorship seat. Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown. Enugu people are desperate for good governance just like Nigerians are. Mbah will have to do the impossible out of sheer ingenuity and leadership dexterity to meet up with the high expectations and craves from the people. He has to be audacious, step on toes in order to correct some festering anomalies, take some firmer resolutions, unsettle some sensitive establishments through alternative displacement, and set up a functional system with immediacy. He shoulders burdens expected of someone with a magical wand. I will, however, not be surprised if he delivers on these expectations taking account of his background. Will Mbah become another Lee Kuan Yew who turned Singapore from a poor country; an island of mudflats and swamps into a developed metropolitan country competing as one of the world’s best today? Time will tell.
The brazen fact about Mbah’s leadership is that he would face multiple challenges, ranging from how to manage and reconcile disparate interests with that of his core administration policies, reform the prevailing socio-economic policies for meaningful improvement, avoid distraction by critics posing as agents of democracy, distance self from sycophants and political demagogues, think inwards on revenue generation, favourable tax regime, and prepare for frequent but unavoidable clashes with elitist philosophy especially in the redistribution of income and recapitalization of the economy through small and medium scale enterprises.
To succeed on his promises to the people of the state, Mbah would have to take a radical approach on the economy and those he employs to manage critical sectors of the economy. This will require political will that will ultimately resist political pressure and blackmail. The best hands must be engaged, regardless of political leaning. Experts and technocrats must be sourced to run the system in order to encourage investors. At all times, the governor must have in mind that, whatever be the credit or blame arising from administrative inefficiencies, recklessness or incompetence from his appointees goes to him. He bears the direct consequences and impact. This is why politics should not be the first consideration in making appointments. The people that voted for him and how he intended to fulfil his social charter with them should be the first consideration.
Although, we have seen Mbah take some decisive steps pointing to the direction of his administration. His appointment of a 64-man transition committee described as seasoned “technocrats, good governance, transparency and accountability advocates, financial and management experts, entrepreneurs as well as tech and innovation specialists” to streamline the state development plan to implementable charter. Like he noted in his 62-page manifesto, his governance philosophy is to deliver quality, people-focused governance by making the state the preferred destination for investment, business, tourism and living, and to also make it one of the top 3 states in Nigeria in terms of gross domestic product, and achieve a zero percent rate in poverty headcount index, these steps have far-reaching effect on the economy and welfare of the people. One would, however, query the extent this tactical operation can go without extraneous influence and scuttling by political actors who are or may likely consider some of the policies as too complex to manage their interest.
Mbah would also work hard to win the confidence of both local and foreign investors since his economic blueprint will be taking a shift from public sector to private sector driven economy. He wants to industrialize. He wants to build world tech hub. He wants to attract Google, Twitter, Meta (Facebook) and other tech giants. Policies must be transparent with easy accessibility of information by interested investors. Mbah has laid his roadmap for agro-allied revolution through land tenure reform. To achieve this, he must urgently address the burning issue of land grabbing among the citizens by those in positions of public trust and ensure justice is served. Writing in his, The Prince, the Italian diplomat, Niccolo Machiavelli, warned leaders against willful land grabbing as it could spark off violence and protracted resentment. According to him, “But above all, he (leaders/rulers) must refrain from seizing the property of others, because a man is quicker to forget the death of his father than the loss of his patrimony (property).” Addressing accusations of land grabbing by the government will restore people’s confidence in the land administration, and this will be a win for the planned agro-industrialisation.
While I hope Mbah would look at the different economic models and stimulus that could help him navigate the lean and dwindling state’s resources in order to manage the all time rising debt profile of the state, I would want to commend him on the drastic steps he has been taking to fulfill his promise of giving water to the people within 180 days in office. This is a herculean task laying ahead of him. It is, however, not insurmountable. In one of his unreported journeys in search for water in the forest as an assurance that he meant business, I was privileged to be in the tour. Mbah was in the bush, drenched in swamp, asking questions as to the millions of litres or cubic meters of clean water the Ajali Water Scheme, Oji River Waterworks, Iva Valley water etc, could supply in a day in their full capacity. We spent hours in the forest with his team of engineers assessing the upstream and midstream infrastructure. To be frank, Mbah would have to buckle his belt to fulfill this promise. We saw decayed infrastructure. We saw abandonment. We saw waste. Most interesting, the state still depends on the badly damaged, outlived infrastructure laid by the colonial masters to run. But Mbah said he is bringing respite. I hope Enugu people will support his efforts by keying into the collective agenda.
Tapping into the unmined natural resources and other deposits in the state to boost the revenues accruing to the government will be the best bet. However, this is not always easy because of the time, plan, capital, expertise and policies involved. Mbah would have to take courage in grabbing this space to break even in his administration. He would partner not only with private investors but also with the federal government for license and concession, and with the people who would see the project as a collective responsibility and patrimony for the greater good of the state. The Mbah’s administration will definitely come under attacks and campaign of calumny by profiteers of the massive corruption and thievery of the state resources. There are presently illegal mining activities in the state by some elements. Enugu has one of the best coal in the world. Over the years, mining activities are illegally going on while government is losing huge revenue as a result of that. This would have to stop. Resistance is expected.
The incoming leadership must carefully negotiate the state’s political economy to avoid pitfalls of its predecessors. A government that wants to succeed must never strive to please everybody. According to the English philosopher, Jeremy Bentham, the job of government must be to champion and promote the greatest good of the greatest number of the people. That means that some selfish interest from few segments of the society aiming detrimentally at the majority interest, regardless of how powerful the group is, must be ignored. The present Enugu State is in dire needs of sanitation and clean environment, infrastructure, robust health programmes that will enhance citizens’ wellbeing, and education reform that will inculcate modern curriculum such as concentration on science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Mbah has a lot of workloads on his shoulder and he must drive that with sense of urgency. After all, he is fond of the famous quote by the former American First Lady, Rosalynn Carter that, “A leader takes people where they want to go. A great leader takes people where they don’t necessarily want to go, but ought to be.” I hope Mbah will be the great leader that will take his people to where they ought to be.
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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