Opinion
Bello Kirfi and the price of insubordination
By Suleiman Abbah
It is an established custom that emirs and key traditional title holders should only be seen and not heard.
Some Emirs and title holders however violate this important tradition and would talk like parrots anywhere, anytime and on any topic — this erodes the mystic and prestige around their persons and the institution in the eyes of the people.Historically, this attracts summary dismissal in the case of title holders and outright dethronement in cases that involve emirs.
The latest case of insurbodination related discipline meted on high profile traditional title holders in Northern Nigerian emirate system, is perhaps the sacking Alhaji Muhammadu Bello Kirfi by the Bauchi Emirate Council as a council member and Wazirin Bauchi.
Thisis the second time that Kirfi would be sacked as Wazirin Bauchi. He was suspended in 2017. However, on August 5, 2020, he was reinstated.
It was gathered that the Bauchi governor, Bala Mohammed, facilitated his reinstatement.The council hinged his sack on disloyalty and disrespect toward the state governor amounting to gross insubordination.
Alhaji Kirfi is not the first Waziri to have faced disciplinary action for insubordination and by far might not be the last.
A recent example is when in 2020, Wazirin Zazzau Ibrahim Muhammad Aminu, chairman of the Zazzau Kingmakers committee was suspended by the Kaduna Kaduna state government for dishonouring an informal invitation and was subsequently taken to court claiming violation of the government’s rule.
Whilestill in court, Aminu was expelled and stripped of the Waziri title who was the administrative officer or prime minister; and replaced by Khadi Muhammad Inuwa Aminu in 2021.
The history of palace discipline that involves dethronement of emirs or dismissal of palace chiefs particularly in the Northern part of Nigeria, has been around for ages.
Thedethronement of traditional rulers can be referred back to the early 1900, when some emirs from the North refused to pledge allegiance to the colonial administrators, as a result, many of them were dethroned and banished from their respective kingdoms.
It will be recalled that in the 1950s, the Emir had plotted the dethronement of the then Atta of Igala Ameh Oboni (Agaba Idu).The Atta’s offence was his refusal to bow before the Sultan of Sokoto, Chairman of Northern Nigeria Council of Chiefs during the Council’s meeting in Kaduna, capital of Northern Nigeria.Ameh Oboni was given the option to remove his crown and bow or be removed from office. But the Atta was a god and could not bow to any human being.
Knowingthat by the Igala tradition, the implication of his dethronement was that none of his descendants would ever be allowed to be crowned Atta after him, Ameh Oboni accepted to remove his crown and bow. Several years afterwards, in April 1963, as Mohammed Sanusi was chauffeured from Kaduna to his palace in Kano after a council meeting, he heard in the car radio of his own dethronement by the Government of Northern Nigeria.
Mostrecently, Muhammad Sanusi II: The former Nigerian apex bank chief ascended the throne after the death of his uncle, late Alhaji Ado Bayero, in 2014. The powerful emir is known to have vast knowledge in both Islamic and Western education; he was also the most outspoken traditional ruler in Northern Nigeria during his reign.
The deposed emir was in a political war with the Governor of Kano State, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, just before the 2019 general elections.The tussle became apparent when the Governor sent a bill to the State House of Assembly seeking to add four additional emirates, in the State.On March, 9, 2020, the Government of Kano State announced the dethronement of Muhammad Sanusi II, on grounds of Insurbodination. He was also banished from the State.
Previously, Mustapha Jokolo, a retired military officer who ascended the throne of Gwandu as the 19th emir following the demissal of his father in 1995, was dethroned as well after spending 10 years on the throne. He was also banished from the State, and moved to Obi in Nasarawa State.His dethronement was announced in June, 2005, by the Government of Kebbi State which accused him of Insurbodination.
The famous Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki, ascended the throne of Sultan of Sokoto, and President Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs in Nigeria, succeeding Sultan Siddiq Abubakar III after his death, in November, 1988.
Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki was removed from the throne, on April, 20, 1996, on grounds of Insurbodination, by former Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Arm Forces Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Sani Abacha and banished from living within the Sultanate.Muhammad Sanusi I, the powerful emir of Kano ascended the throne, in 1954, following the death of his father, emir Abdullahi Bayero.
His vast knowledge and influence made him to become among the most influential traditional rulers in Sub-Saharan Africa during his reign.The emir was accused of insurbodination by the Northern Nigeria administrators, and was dethroned in April,1963.
He was also banished from staying in Kano, he was asked to leave for Azare, in Bauchi State.Emir Abubakar Dallaje of Katsina was removed from throne in 1906, by Sir Fredrick Lugard, who was then the Governor General of Northern protectorate, the dethronement came to many as a surprise, because the king was so powerful and popular during his reign.
EmirAbubakar was accused of insurbodination and refusing to pledge allegiance to the colonial administrators and was replaced by emir Muhammadu Dikko, who ruled Katsina until his death in 1944.
Note that all the dethronements that happened were as a result of allegations of Insurbodination.
When you work in the field of management, you will inevitably have to deal with an insubordinate employee or staff member.
While this is a common occurrence, it does not make it any easier to deal with what happens to you.
Verbal abuse, such as the use of profanity and insults, may or may not be grounds for dismissal. Commonly referred to as “shop talk,” the manager must decide whether the language was out of the ordinary. If not, then insubordination may not have been intended.
Another cause for dismissal due to insubordination is the refusal to perform a manager’s direct order. This may manifest itself in a verbal or nonverbal refusal. As a result, each incidence of refusal or delay should be carefully documented in an employee’s file for the purpose of verifying a history of insubordinate conduct, and this was exactly the way the Bauchi State government and the Emirate Council approached Kirfi’s serial and serious misdemeanor.
When the Emirate Council felt that there was a pattern of willful disobedience on the partof BelloKirfi, it took care to document it and reported it to superior authority, in this case, the state’s Governor.
Relicsfrom a period when monarchies dominated this region, they rely now on regional governments for their funding and their succession is regulated by elected officials.Granted people have differing opinions.
Sometimes a subordinate disagrees with the leader or boss. Although this is not insubordination on its own, but where the person confronts and disagrees with the boss in front of everyone else as regular outbursts like in the case of Bello Kirfi, then it becomes ground for insubordination.
Often, insubordination may be the result of inexperience or bad judgment that can be remedied with a quick word. When it’s chronic and willful, it’s a different matter entirely.
Inthe case of Bello Kirfi, he was confrontational in front of the rest of the state’s Governor, and in the public; questioning the governor’s authority, which can led to poor overall morale in the Council, defaming Bala’s person, spreading rumours that divided the Bauchi community and making inappropriate comments on a regular basis.
While in particular the Waziris and other traditional title holders lack practical power, their patronage can be key at elections when Nigeria’s politicians jostle for votes.
But their role remains ambiguous — and when Bello Kirfi began to talk up, some cautioned that he was overstepping the boundaries and flouting the strict protocol of the palace. What followed is now history.
(Abbah, a history graduate of ABU, wrote from Zaria)
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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