Politics
Kwankwaso’s next move awaited, could change political equations ahead 2027
By any political barometer, the former governor of Kano State and former Minister of Defence, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, is not your everyday Nigerian politician. He is a phenomenon, an institution built on charisma, grassroots connection, and stubborn ideological defiance.
For years, his political trajectory has been one of rebellion, reform, and resilience. He defied odds to become the governor of Kano State twice, navigated Nigeria’s tumultuous political waters as a senator, and in the 2023 general elections, led the New Nigeria People’s Party to a surprise “third force”. Yet, today, conversations are shifting: what if Kwankwaso makes the most dramatic move of his career by re-joining the All Progressives Congress?
This conversation is even more intense following the sudden resignation of the APC National Chairman, Alhaji Abdullahi Ganduje. While the public narrative suggests “internal restructuring”, insiders and analysts see the move as a calculated sacrifice, a strategic detour, to clear the path for Ganduje’s long-time rival and one of the most influential politicians in northern Nigeria to rejoin the party.
Ganduje’s resignation is more than just the fall of a party chieftain; it is a political brinksmanship aimed at leveraging the popularity of Kwankwaso in Kano State for a huge political fortune come the 2027 elections.
The Tinubu administration, increasingly criticised by northern elites for executing a “Yoruba agenda” and abandoning the region that largely installed it in power, now finds itself in urgent need of a northern political redeemer, someone with street credibility, cult-like grassroots following, and electoral weight to bridge a growing trust deficit.
For the APC, Kwankwaso fits the bill. His Kwankwasia Movement is a formidable political platform in Kano State and beyond. For Kwankwaso, this “invitation to power” could be the launch pad for the presidency he has long dreamt of.
If he chooses to align with the APC, it will be a gamble, but one with high stakes and possibly higher returns. For the party, it would signal a rebirth. For Kwankwaso, it might just be the final chapter in a storied career, the path to Aso Rock that no structure alone could pave, but only influence could unlock.
In a recently circulated and strongly worded statement personally signed by him last month, Kwankwaso emphasised that the APC had inflicted untold hardship, economic deterioration, and deepened insecurity on Nigerians since assuming power.
He condemned the party’s track record of what he described as “reckless governance, policy failures, and a disconnect from the everyday realities of the Nigerian people”.
He said that though the President had personally reached out to him to consider rejoining the party despite the flattering promises, he made it crystal clear to him that he would rather quit politics entirely than return to the APC, a party that had inflicted immense hardship on Nigerians.
Part of the statement reads: “I wish to state clearly and unequivocally that President Tinubu personally reached out to me on multiple occasions, urging me to return to the APC fold. He called me directly and made several overtures, both in private and through mutual contacts, in a bid to lure me back to a party that I once helped build but ultimately had to leave due to its departure from principle and justice.”
Kwankwaso said that during one of his conversations with the President, he was assured that the party would meet all the conditions he gave before he could rejoin the fold. “Despite the flattering promises, I made it crystal clear to him (Tinubu) that I would rather quit politics entirely than return to the APC, a party that has inflicted immense hardship on Nigerians,” he said.
At face value, this idea borders on irony. For long, Kwankwaso has dismissed the APC as an unfit house of contradictions, a political contraption built on shifting sands. But the big question that stares Nigerians in the face is: could Kwankwaso’s long-standing rivalry with Abdullahi Ganduje, former Kano governor and immediate past APC national chairman, be the reason he never wanted to do anything with APC? Was Ganduje sacrificed to accommodate Kwankwaso in the party?
But politics, like war, obeys the law of strategic necessity. And 2027 is not just another election year; it is a turning point in Nigeria’s democratic journey. The ruling APC, battered by public discontent, internal cracks, and a leadership struggling with economic hardship and insecurity, faces the monumental task of renewal or rejection. In that context, Rabiu Kwankwaso will not just be another defector, but a potential political dividend too significant to ignore.
The most potent threat to Tinubu’s 2027 ambition is not just the anger of the masses, it is the quiet convergence of powerful political rivals, former allies, and embittered party insiders who are now aligning, not out of love for one another, but out of a shared goal: “Stop Tinubu”.
From PDP governors who feel sidelined in national politics, to the anti-Tinubu Northern elites led by el-Rufai, the groundswell of opposition to Tinubu’s reelection is growing by the day.
This has prompted Tinubu to turn to what he knows best: the politics of bargaining, coalition-building, and recruiting influence as a substitute for popularity.
With 2027 drawing closer, Kwankwaso now finds himself at the centre of Nigeria’s political chessboard. The APC is rumoured to be considering offering him the vice-presidential ticket — a power-sharing arrangement meant to seduce his northern base and tap into his electoral machinery.
On paper, the deal seems attractive: national visibility, institutional resources, and a credible path to the presidency by 2031.
But beneath the surface lies a more sobering possibility: that Kwankwaso could simply be a means to an end, a disposable political tool to retain Northern votes for a Southern presidential candidate, only to be discarded post-election. It is a tactic as old as Nigerian politics itself: bait the North, win the votes, and then shift the power dynamics.
This isn’t the first time northern political figures have been wooed into national alliances with promises of future power. Think of Atiku Abubakar under Olusegun Obasanjo, or Namadi Sambo under Goodluck Jonathan, both powerful in their zones, yet relatively politically neutered in the larger governance arrangement. The question before Kwankwaso is simple: Will history repeat itself—or will he rewrite it?
Unlike some of his predecessors, Kwankwaso commands an ideological movement, not just political followers. The Kwankwasiyya Movement has shown remarkable staying power and electoral resilience, especially in Kano and some northern states. This gives him leverage — but only if he negotiates from strength, not desperation.
Kwankwaso’s political capital is not limited to titles. It resides in the enduring loyalty of the “Kwankwasiyya Movement” — a cult-like following of red-capped supporters across Northern Nigeria, especially in Kano, which remains one of the most electorally decisive states in the country.
In 2023, with limited structure and resources, Kwankwaso’s NNPP clinched Kano decisively and carved out a national conversation on third-force politics. This feat was not achieved because of a strong party infrastructure; it was the result of influence.
And therein lies the point: APC needs influence more than it needs more structure. The party already has a bloated organisational skeleton. What it lacks is a charismatic mobiliser to inject fresh electoral energy and grassroots vibrancy, and Kwankwaso offers just that.
Should Kwankwaso take the bait, the immediate effect will be seismic. APC’s northern base would be reinvigorated. Disillusioned northern voters, who see the current Tinubu-led APC government as indifferent to their economic and security concerns, may find renewed hope. Kano, long the electoral goldmine of the North, could be locked down, and other states like Jigawa, Katsina, and Kaduna may follow suit. It would be the shockwave APC needs, a game-changing recalibration of political arithmetic.
However, Kwankwaso risks alienating his core loyalists, many of whom view the APC as the embodiment of everything he has fought against — elitism, betrayal, and exclusion.
If his move is perceived as opportunistic or transactional, he may find his influence diluted, his movement fractured, and his legacy tainted. In other words, he may win the vice presidency and lose the soul of Kwankwasiyya.
Many of Kwankwaso’s loyalists would see such a move as a betrayal of principle, especially after years of painting the party as the face of Nigeria’s dysfunction. He may risk a portion of his credibility, and the pain could also be personal, not just political.
But politics in Nigeria has a short memory and a long eye on the future. Should Kwankwaso be able to navigate internal politics, he would likely emerge as the northern arrowhead in APC’s 2027 equation, potentially positioning himself as either kingmaker or king.
With President Tinubu constitutionally limited to one more term and internal power tussles looming, Kwankwaso could stake a bold claim on the presidency, representing a powerful Northern resurgence within a fractured ruling party.
In a political climate where structure is often mistaken for power, Kwankwaso’s case reminds us that influence and cult followership remain the ultimate currency. While other politicians trade loyalty for relevance, Kwankwaso has maintained a rare authenticity.
His ability to mobilise people, shape narratives, and tilt electoral outcomes even outside of Nigeria’s traditional party machines proves he is greater than any banner he flies under.
The APC, facing diminishing returns from old alliances and internal fatigue, may find its best bet in a man who once stood outside its gate, fists clenched in protest. But now, with an open hand and strategic ambition, Kwankwaso may become its most valuable political dividend yet, not just for 2027, but for the future shape of Nigerian politics.
Senator Kwankwaso now stands at a historic intersection. He can maintain his third-force purity and risk political isolation, or he can seize the APC lifeline and with it, a genuine shot at national power. But this is no ordinary defection; it is a test of strategy, legacy, and foresight.
If played right, Kwankwaso could redefine APC and rewire the path to the Nigerian presidency.
Kalu Okoronkwo, a leadership and good governance advocate, writes from Lagos via kalu.okoronkwo@gmail.com
Politics
Breaking: Court of Appeal Sets Aside Judgement Ordering Deregistration of ADC, Four Other Parties
The Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal has set aside the judgement of the Federal High Court which ordered the deregistration of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Accord Party and three other political parties.
The appellate court, in a unanimous decision on Tuesday, declared the judgement ordering the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to deregister the parties “null and void.”
Recall that Justice Peter Lifu of the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja had ordered INEC to deregister the parties over their performance in the 2023 general elections.
Dissatisfied with the decision, the affected political parties — the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Action Peoples Party (APP), Action Alliance (AA), Accord Party (AP) and Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) — approached the Court of Appeal seeking to nullify the Federal High Court judgement.
However, the three-member panel of the appellate court, presided over by Justice Abba Mohammed, held that the trial court lacked the judicial power to entertain the case in the first place.
The Court of Appeal also faulted the Federal High Court for proceeding with the delivery of the judgement despite an order by the appellate court directing a stay of proceedings, which included the delivery of the judgement.
The appellate court described the Federal High Court’s decision as “a nullity,” stating that the action of the trial court amounted to “judicial impertinence” or what the Supreme Court had described as “judicial insubordination.”
The court further held that the first respondent lacked the locus standi to institute the action in the first place, and consequently set aside the judgement of the Federal High Court.
“The evidence before the court clearly shows compliance with Section 225A of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended). The judgement of the trial judge was perverse,” the Court of Appeal held.
The former Director-General of the Voice of Nigeria (VON), Mr. Osita Okechukwu, has urged the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Joash Amupitan, to focus on ensuring the conduct of free, fair, and credible elections.
In a statement on Sunday in Enugu, Okechukwu noted that credible elections remained the strongest antidote to intra-party impunity.
He was responding to the INEC Chairman’s recent call on political parties to adhere strictly to principles of internal democracy during a courtesy visit to former Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, in Minna, Niger.
According to Okechukwu, the INEC Chairman has consistently emphasised the issue of internal democracy, having made similar remarks in Akwa Ibom in March 2026 and again in Abuja in June 2026.
He said, “Whereas one agrees with the Chairman that strict observance of internal democracy within political parties is of paramount importance.
“However, the greatest incentive for political parties to uphold internal democracy is the consistent conduct of free, fair, and transparent elections by INEC.”
He argued that political scientists had long maintained that political parties were more likely to respect democratic principles and popular will when electoral processes are credible and transparent.
“Political party leaders will do everything within the ambit of the law to keep their houses in order and present the most acceptable and popular candidates when they are confident that elections will be free and fair.
“In such circumstances, they are compelled to obey the wishes of the electorate. However, when elections are perceived as lacking transparency, internal party conflicts and impunity are more likely to thrive,” he said.
Okechukwu also dismissed the allegation of other political parties feelings that INEC is the handgun of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
The APC chieftain said that APC needed free and fair elections as core patriots who are committed to the genuine growth of our fledgling democracy and overall progress of every Nigerian.
“I dismiss the handgun allegation, as APC needs free and fair elections,not only for legitimacy with our 31 state governors, but for the genuine growth of our fledgling democracy and overall good governance,” he said.
He maintained that the APC remained a formidable political force and that credible elections would ultimately strengthen Nigeria’s democratic institutions and political parties alike.
Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal, says Buhari didn’t publicly back Tinubu in the 2023 All Progressives Congress primary due to religious and ethical concerns.
In an interview with Symfoni TV released on Saturday, Lawal revealed that Buhari was initially hesitant to back Tinubu due to religious and ethical considerations regarding his suitability as a successor.
Lawal claimed that, however, after extensive discussions, the late president agreed to remain neutral and allow party delegates to decide the candidate at the convention.
According to the former SGF, Tinubu played a critical role in previous APC election campaigns by providing resources and political strategists, making it difficult for Buhari to oppose his presidential ambition outright.
“Bola Tinubu brought people and we coarced him to change the trajectory of the campaign through those his people.
“Buhari is a human and he’s a decent guy. So I am the only person that confront him with these facts.
“He will not say I don’t know. He would not say it’s a rumour because I was there.
“So why would he deny him (Tinubu)? Why would he… in the end he said okay,” Lawal said.
Lawal added that before the APC presidential convention, he advised Buhari to refrain from backing any aspirant and allow party delegates to choose the candidate.
“As we were going to the convention, I said, ‘Oga’, let’s make a deal. I said look, this man (Tinubu), we now know that on the basis of your religion and your ethics and your upbringing, you don’t want to hand over to this man, but he has helped us get here.
“So there’s no way. Let’s make a deal. Stay neutral and allow me to run the process.
“If we go to the convention and the party faithfuls defeat him, so be it. Your hand is not in it.”
Lawal said Buhari initially rejected the proposal, insisting that if he allowed him to manage the process, Tinubu would emerge as the party’s candidate.
“But Buhari said that’s not an excuse. I know you, you will give Bola Tinubu this ticket.“I say, are you God now, sir?
“Buhari said, no, you started with me since 2002. So I know how you work. I know your methodologies. That man, if I leave him to you, he’ll get the ticket.”
Lawal said he responded that even if Tinubu secured the APC ticket, Nigerians would still decide the outcome of the presidential election.
“I say, okay, okay, granted. If he gets the ticket, it means you are now a prophet. However, you’re ascribing to me qualities I don’t have.
“But let’s assume it happens. Supposing the general election rejects him, is that you?”
He added that Buhari also expressed concern over whether Tinubu would be fair to members of their political camp if elected president.
“He mentioned some things. This man, is he going to be fair to our people? Is he going to be this?
“I said, yes, as long as I’m there, you know, I can checkmate him.
“He said, ‘Okay, deal.’”
Ahead of the APC presidential primary in June 2022, Buhari repeatedly urged party delegates to choose a candidate they believed could advance the party’s ideals but stopped short of publicly endorsing any of the aspirants, despite intense lobbying by contenders, including Tinubu.
Tinubu, a former Lagos State governor, went on to defeat other leading aspirants, including former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi, Senate President Ahmad Lawan and Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello, to clinch the APC presidential ticket.
He later won the February 2023 presidential election and was sworn in as president on May 29, 2023.
Politics
Enugu NDC Passes Vote Of Confidence On Dr. Johnpaul Anih-Led State Exco, Warns Against Destabilisation
The Enugu State chapter of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) has unanimously passed a vote of confidence in the Dr. Johnpaul Anih-led State Working Committee (SWC), reaffirming its confidence in the current leadership and warning individuals allegedly plotting to destabilise the party to desist.
The resolution was reached on Saturday during an expanded meeting of the state working committee, party stakeholders, candidates and members, who commended the state executive for its leadership, commitment and efforts at repositioning the NDC in Enugu State.
Speaking with journalists shortly after the meeting, the Chairman of the party in Isiuzo Local Government Area, Hon. Jonathan Ogbu, said the current state leadership had transformed the fortunes of the party in Enugu.
“This is the only leadership of the party that emerged through a valid congress monitored by INEC, and any attempt by Enugu politicians spending dollars in Abuja to destabilise the party will be firmly resisted”.
“Without the current leadership, nobody would be hearing about the NDC in Enugu State today. The Dr. Johnpaul Anih-led executive has given the party life and made it attractive through its programmes and grassroots mobilisation,” he said.
Corroborating his position, the Igboeze North Local Government Chairman of the party, Hon. Kingsley Ape and his Aninri counterpart, Hon. Stephen Ajah, stated that the achievements of the present leadership had positioned the party to participate effectively in the forthcoming local government elections.
According to them, without the Dr. Johnpaul Anih-led executive, the NDC would not have been on the ballot for the forthcoming local government chairmanship and councillorship elections in Enugu State.
The party leaders declared that they remain firmly behind Dr. Anih and his executive, insisting that the State Working Committee enjoys the overwhelming confidence and support of the party’s grassroots structure across the 17 local government areas of the state.
They further warned that any attempt to tamper with the existing leadership could trigger a mass exodus of members from the party in Enugu State.
The stakeholders also cautioned individuals allegedly fomenting crisis within the party, urging them to steer clear of activities capable of undermining the unity, stability and progress of the NDC.
According to them, any attempt to create parallel party structures or sow discord among members would be firmly resisted in the interest of preserving the party’s cohesion ahead of future political engagements.
The members equally expressed concern over what they described as the actions of the party’s national leadership, alleging that recent developments could further deepen internal disagreements if not handled with fairness and respect for due process.
They urged the national leadership to refrain from actions capable of escalating tensions within the party, stressing that internal disputes should be resolved in line with the party’s constitution and democratic principles.
Reaffirming their loyalty to the NDC, the stakeholders called on members across the state to remain united, focused and committed to building a stronger political platform.
They pledged their continued support for the Dr. Johnpaul Anih-led State Working Committee and maintained that the Enugu chapter would continue to protect the integrity of the party while working tirelessly to advance its political objectives in the state.
Kwankwaso disclosed this during an interview on Channels Television on Monday, saying the agreement was aimed at ensuring power returns to the North after a single four-year tenure in line with the party’s power-sharing arrangement.
The former Kano State governor said he had no reason to doubt Obi’s commitment to honouring the agreement.
“Oh yes, I personally believe him. I don’t think, based on what I now know about him, that he will change his mind when the time comes. We are all gentlemen,” he said.
Asked whether the understanding had been documented, Kwankwaso replied that both the party and the two candidates signed separate agreements.
“We have done one for the party, and we have done another one between the two of us,” he said.
Explaining the substance of the agreement, Kwankwaso said it provides for a single four-year tenure for Obi before the presidency returns to the North.
“The agreement is what you said, that for four years, we will work together, team together as a group, party, friends and brothers so that after his term of four years (2027-2031), it comes back to the North. That is the general agreement.”
“Together we felt that the presidency should go to the South for four years; thereafter it will come back to the North.
“We believe that should be the consensus of everybody in this country so that we can move together as a family, both North and South,” he said.
On whether he intends to contest the presidency in 2031, Kwankwaso said the party remained focused on winning the 2027 election while keeping its long-term political plans in view.
“We have a short-term plan which we are executing now and, of course, we also have our medium and long-term plans for the country, and that is what we are working on now,” he said.
Obi had in May announced that he would serve only one term if elected president, saying the decision was intended to promote political stability and strengthen national unity.
“I want to be a one-term president because of stability. I would not stay a day, with a gun to my head, longer than four years,” Obi had said.
The NDC has consistently defended its power-sharing arrangement, presenting the Obi-Kwankwaso ticket as a consensus aimed at balancing the country’s regional interests ahead of the 2027 presidential election.
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