Politics
Kwankwaso’s next move awaited, could change political equations ahead 2027
By any political barometer, the former governor of Kano State and former Minister of Defence, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, is not your everyday Nigerian politician. He is a phenomenon, an institution built on charisma, grassroots connection, and stubborn ideological defiance.
For years, his political trajectory has been one of rebellion, reform, and resilience. He defied odds to become the governor of Kano State twice, navigated Nigeria’s tumultuous political waters as a senator, and in the 2023 general elections, led the New Nigeria People’s Party to a surprise “third force”. Yet, today, conversations are shifting: what if Kwankwaso makes the most dramatic move of his career by re-joining the All Progressives Congress?
This conversation is even more intense following the sudden resignation of the APC National Chairman, Alhaji Abdullahi Ganduje. While the public narrative suggests “internal restructuring”, insiders and analysts see the move as a calculated sacrifice, a strategic detour, to clear the path for Ganduje’s long-time rival and one of the most influential politicians in northern Nigeria to rejoin the party.
Ganduje’s resignation is more than just the fall of a party chieftain; it is a political brinksmanship aimed at leveraging the popularity of Kwankwaso in Kano State for a huge political fortune come the 2027 elections.
The Tinubu administration, increasingly criticised by northern elites for executing a “Yoruba agenda” and abandoning the region that largely installed it in power, now finds itself in urgent need of a northern political redeemer, someone with street credibility, cult-like grassroots following, and electoral weight to bridge a growing trust deficit.
For the APC, Kwankwaso fits the bill. His Kwankwasia Movement is a formidable political platform in Kano State and beyond. For Kwankwaso, this “invitation to power” could be the launch pad for the presidency he has long dreamt of.
If he chooses to align with the APC, it will be a gamble, but one with high stakes and possibly higher returns. For the party, it would signal a rebirth. For Kwankwaso, it might just be the final chapter in a storied career, the path to Aso Rock that no structure alone could pave, but only influence could unlock.
In a recently circulated and strongly worded statement personally signed by him last month, Kwankwaso emphasised that the APC had inflicted untold hardship, economic deterioration, and deepened insecurity on Nigerians since assuming power.
He condemned the party’s track record of what he described as “reckless governance, policy failures, and a disconnect from the everyday realities of the Nigerian people”.
He said that though the President had personally reached out to him to consider rejoining the party despite the flattering promises, he made it crystal clear to him that he would rather quit politics entirely than return to the APC, a party that had inflicted immense hardship on Nigerians.
Part of the statement reads: “I wish to state clearly and unequivocally that President Tinubu personally reached out to me on multiple occasions, urging me to return to the APC fold. He called me directly and made several overtures, both in private and through mutual contacts, in a bid to lure me back to a party that I once helped build but ultimately had to leave due to its departure from principle and justice.”
Kwankwaso said that during one of his conversations with the President, he was assured that the party would meet all the conditions he gave before he could rejoin the fold. “Despite the flattering promises, I made it crystal clear to him (Tinubu) that I would rather quit politics entirely than return to the APC, a party that has inflicted immense hardship on Nigerians,” he said.
At face value, this idea borders on irony. For long, Kwankwaso has dismissed the APC as an unfit house of contradictions, a political contraption built on shifting sands. But the big question that stares Nigerians in the face is: could Kwankwaso’s long-standing rivalry with Abdullahi Ganduje, former Kano governor and immediate past APC national chairman, be the reason he never wanted to do anything with APC? Was Ganduje sacrificed to accommodate Kwankwaso in the party?
But politics, like war, obeys the law of strategic necessity. And 2027 is not just another election year; it is a turning point in Nigeria’s democratic journey. The ruling APC, battered by public discontent, internal cracks, and a leadership struggling with economic hardship and insecurity, faces the monumental task of renewal or rejection. In that context, Rabiu Kwankwaso will not just be another defector, but a potential political dividend too significant to ignore.
The most potent threat to Tinubu’s 2027 ambition is not just the anger of the masses, it is the quiet convergence of powerful political rivals, former allies, and embittered party insiders who are now aligning, not out of love for one another, but out of a shared goal: “Stop Tinubu”.
From PDP governors who feel sidelined in national politics, to the anti-Tinubu Northern elites led by el-Rufai, the groundswell of opposition to Tinubu’s reelection is growing by the day.
This has prompted Tinubu to turn to what he knows best: the politics of bargaining, coalition-building, and recruiting influence as a substitute for popularity.
With 2027 drawing closer, Kwankwaso now finds himself at the centre of Nigeria’s political chessboard. The APC is rumoured to be considering offering him the vice-presidential ticket — a power-sharing arrangement meant to seduce his northern base and tap into his electoral machinery.
On paper, the deal seems attractive: national visibility, institutional resources, and a credible path to the presidency by 2031.
But beneath the surface lies a more sobering possibility: that Kwankwaso could simply be a means to an end, a disposable political tool to retain Northern votes for a Southern presidential candidate, only to be discarded post-election. It is a tactic as old as Nigerian politics itself: bait the North, win the votes, and then shift the power dynamics.
This isn’t the first time northern political figures have been wooed into national alliances with promises of future power. Think of Atiku Abubakar under Olusegun Obasanjo, or Namadi Sambo under Goodluck Jonathan, both powerful in their zones, yet relatively politically neutered in the larger governance arrangement. The question before Kwankwaso is simple: Will history repeat itself—or will he rewrite it?
Unlike some of his predecessors, Kwankwaso commands an ideological movement, not just political followers. The Kwankwasiyya Movement has shown remarkable staying power and electoral resilience, especially in Kano and some northern states. This gives him leverage — but only if he negotiates from strength, not desperation.
Kwankwaso’s political capital is not limited to titles. It resides in the enduring loyalty of the “Kwankwasiyya Movement” — a cult-like following of red-capped supporters across Northern Nigeria, especially in Kano, which remains one of the most electorally decisive states in the country.
In 2023, with limited structure and resources, Kwankwaso’s NNPP clinched Kano decisively and carved out a national conversation on third-force politics. This feat was not achieved because of a strong party infrastructure; it was the result of influence.
And therein lies the point: APC needs influence more than it needs more structure. The party already has a bloated organisational skeleton. What it lacks is a charismatic mobiliser to inject fresh electoral energy and grassroots vibrancy, and Kwankwaso offers just that.
Should Kwankwaso take the bait, the immediate effect will be seismic. APC’s northern base would be reinvigorated. Disillusioned northern voters, who see the current Tinubu-led APC government as indifferent to their economic and security concerns, may find renewed hope. Kano, long the electoral goldmine of the North, could be locked down, and other states like Jigawa, Katsina, and Kaduna may follow suit. It would be the shockwave APC needs, a game-changing recalibration of political arithmetic.
However, Kwankwaso risks alienating his core loyalists, many of whom view the APC as the embodiment of everything he has fought against — elitism, betrayal, and exclusion.
If his move is perceived as opportunistic or transactional, he may find his influence diluted, his movement fractured, and his legacy tainted. In other words, he may win the vice presidency and lose the soul of Kwankwasiyya.
Many of Kwankwaso’s loyalists would see such a move as a betrayal of principle, especially after years of painting the party as the face of Nigeria’s dysfunction. He may risk a portion of his credibility, and the pain could also be personal, not just political.
But politics in Nigeria has a short memory and a long eye on the future. Should Kwankwaso be able to navigate internal politics, he would likely emerge as the northern arrowhead in APC’s 2027 equation, potentially positioning himself as either kingmaker or king.
With President Tinubu constitutionally limited to one more term and internal power tussles looming, Kwankwaso could stake a bold claim on the presidency, representing a powerful Northern resurgence within a fractured ruling party.
In a political climate where structure is often mistaken for power, Kwankwaso’s case reminds us that influence and cult followership remain the ultimate currency. While other politicians trade loyalty for relevance, Kwankwaso has maintained a rare authenticity.
His ability to mobilise people, shape narratives, and tilt electoral outcomes even outside of Nigeria’s traditional party machines proves he is greater than any banner he flies under.
The APC, facing diminishing returns from old alliances and internal fatigue, may find its best bet in a man who once stood outside its gate, fists clenched in protest. But now, with an open hand and strategic ambition, Kwankwaso may become its most valuable political dividend yet, not just for 2027, but for the future shape of Nigerian politics.
Senator Kwankwaso now stands at a historic intersection. He can maintain his third-force purity and risk political isolation, or he can seize the APC lifeline and with it, a genuine shot at national power. But this is no ordinary defection; it is a test of strategy, legacy, and foresight.
If played right, Kwankwaso could redefine APC and rewire the path to the Nigerian presidency.
Kalu Okoronkwo, a leadership and good governance advocate, writes from Lagos via kalu.okoronkwo@gmail.com
By PETRUS OBI
Frontline aspirant for the Aninri/Awgu/Oji-River Federal Constituency seat, Anayo Onwuegbu, has successfully completed the screening exercise conducted by the All Progressives Congress House of Representatives screening panel in Abuja ahead of the party primaries scheduled for Friday, May 15, 2026.
Speaking after the exercise, Onwuegbu expressed satisfaction with the screening process, describing it as a reflection of the party’s commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and credible leadership selection ahead of the 2027 general elections.
The aspirant, who is seeking to represent Aninri/Awgu/Oji-River Federal Constituency under the platform of the APC, stated that he remains focused and prepared to continue to offer quality representation to the people of the constituency.
According to him, “The process once again highlights our party’s commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and the emergence of credible leadership as we prepare for the 2027 general elections.”
He reaffirmed his dedication to the development of the constituency, pledging to serve the people with commitment and purpose if elected.
The APC House of Representatives primaries are expected to hold nationwide on Friday as aspirants battle for the party’s tickets ahead of the 2027 elections.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
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