Politics
Lagos Crisis: Chaos as DSS Officers Invade Assembly, CP Replaced
There was chaos at the Lagos State House of Assembly, on Monday, as the Department of State Service invaded the assembly, allegedly on the orders of the clerk.
In the ensuing melee, the lawmakers forcefully gained entry into the hallowed chamber and declared their support for the Speaker, Mojisola Meranda.
The Governance Advisory Council, the highest decision-making body of the All Progressives Congress in Lagos State, has, however, reaffirmed its plans to meet with President Bola Tinubu over the ongoing crisis in the state House of Assembly.
The fresh crisis followed the militarisation of the assembly complex by officials of the DSS on Monday.
The crisis deepened following moves by ousted Speaker Mudashiru Obasa to return to the House.
Obasa, who was removed by the majority of the lawmakers on January 13, 2025, approached the court last week to seek redress.
The lawmaker dragged the Assembly and the new Speaker, Meranda, before a Lagos State High Court in Ikeja, claiming that the lawmakers were wrong to have removed him when the Assembly was in recess.
In a motion dated February 12, 2025, Obasa, through his counsel led by Chief Afolabi Fashanu (SAN), sought an order from the court for an accelerated hearing of the suit.
Mudashiru Obasa
The embattled former speaker was in Atlanta, United States of America, for his holiday when the House convened and moved a motion for his removal.
There were speculations that Obasa may likely return to the House on Tuesday, February 18, 2025. However, the House, at its plenary on Monday, adjourned the sitting indefinitely, leaving no room for a possible sitting.
The Monday plenary earlier scheduled for 11 am was delayed till around 12:51 pm, as the DSS operatives sealed the offices of the Speaker and other principal officers of the House.
The assembly chamber was also under restriction, with the lawmakers forcing their way into the chamber after about two hours of being stranded outside the building.
While attempting to enter the chamber, Meranda, who was surrounded by security details and assembly workers, burst into tears amid hailing and a show of solidarity from about 36 lawmakers and the assembly staff.
‘Assembly invited DSS’
Amid allegations of invasion, a top official of the DSS told one of our correspondents that the clerk of the assembly wrote to the service to increase the number of operatives deployed in the complex.
The source, who spoke in confidence because he was not permitted to speak on the matter, said, “Contrary to reports by a section of the media that DSS officers stormed the Lagos State House of Assembly, sealing offices of the Speaker and his deputy, it was the Assembly that invited security agents to maintain order.
“The clerk of the assembly wrote to us that there was a potential security threat to the Assembly and its members and requested to increase the number of operatives there and ensure strict access within and outside the assembly.”
It is not clear what line of action was given to the DSS operatives or who gave them, but the actions of the officers prevented the sitting from holding at the scheduled time.
A letter from the Clerk of the House revealed that the assembly indeed invited the operatives to maintain order at the House, following speculations of Obasa’s return.
The letter dated February 14, 2025, showed that the acting clerk of the assembly, A. T. B. Ottun, wrote to the DSS, requesting more presence of operatives at the complex.
According to the letter with reference no: LSHA/FAD/0/7554/323, the DSS was instructed to ensure strict access to the facility from February 15 till further notice.
The letter, titled, “URGENT: ENHANCED SECURITY MEASURES FOR LSHA PREMISES,” read: “I wish to bring to your attention a pressing matter that requires immediate action.
“The impeached Speaker of Lagos State House of Assembly plans to resume office on the 18th of February, 2025, as the Speaker, posing a potential security threat to the Assembly and its members.
“In light of this situation, we kindly request that you take necessary measures to fortify the security of the Assembly premises with effect from Sunday, 16 February 2025, by increasing the presence of your men and as well observe strict access control within and outside the Assembly premises till further notice. We look forward to your prompt attention Sir. Thank you.”
Workers, DSS clash
Following the entry of the lawmakers into the House, DSS officers engaged in a physical confrontation with some assembly workers who were shocked to meet the operatives in the chamber.
The DSS officers, cladded in black jackets, helmets and face masks and armed to the teeth, were resisted by the assembly workers after several minutes of tussle.
New Lagos Assembly speaker, Mojisola Meranda.
Shortly after the incident which created tension in the House, Meranda presided over the sitting which began around 12:51 pm. It was the seventh plenary presided over by Meranda since Obasa’s removal, and the latter had been absent from all.
Lawmakers condemn invasion
During the plenary, lawmakers condemned the invasion of the chamber by the DSS after Kehinde Joseph (Alimosho 1) raised a motion under Personal Explanation.
The assembly also noted that Kazeem Osho (Mushin 2) was rushed to the hospital for emergency care due to the heightened tension in the chamber.
Joseph called on the President to intervene and ensure that those responsible for the invasion were brought to justice. He also demanded that the Director-General of the DSS be summoned to explain the agency’s actions.
Another lawmaker, Stephen Ogundipe (Oshodi/Isolo 1), decried the incident, describing it as a “rape of democracy.”
Sabur Oluwa (Ajeromi-Ifelodun 2) also condemned the invasion, describing the DSS’ conduct as unnecessary and unprofessional.
He said, “This harassment is completely unwarranted. I’m still shivering. We were elected by the people to protect their interests. If we feel the Speaker is not representing us or the people well, we have the right to elect a new leader. That is democracy. This does not justify harassment or an assault on our legislative process.”
Gbolahan Ogunleye (Ikorodu 1) called for a thorough investigation into the incident.
“I am deeply saddened. I never imagined a day when armed men would storm the Lagos Assembly. I urge the DSS DG to investigate this attack, and I call on President Tinubu to ensure that justice is served. This is a blatant violation of democratic principles.”
Similarly, Femi Saheed (Kosofe 2) described the invasion as a violation of legislative procedures.
“What we witnessed today is an aberration. The Assembly is meant for debates that advance society, not for forceful interventions.
“We must call on the government to clarify whether it has the right to dictate our leadership choices. Today’s incident is a disgrace,” he said.
Despite the chaos, both lawmakers and staff reaffirmed their support for the first female Speaker of the Assembly.
The lawmakers passed a vote of confidence in Meranda’s leadership after which the Speaker adjourned the plenary indefinitely.
DSS invite explained
In a statement issued by the spokesperson for the Lagos assembly, Kayode Ogundipe, late Monday, the assembly clarified why it invited the DSS to the House.
It argued that though it invited the security agency, it did not ask the operatives to seal the offices of the principal officers of the House.
DSS officers
Ogundipe stated, “Earlier today (Monday), lawmakers and staff of the Lagos State House of Assembly arrived at the Assembly complex to find the offices of the Speaker, the Deputy Speaker, and the Acting Clerk of the House locked and access restricted by operatives of the DSS. Furthermore, the legislative chamber itself was sealed off.
“In an apparent effort to justify their actions, the DSS released to the public a letter written by the Acting Clerk of the House, requesting security presence at the Assembly complex.
“We wish to categorically state that this is not the first time the House has sought security support from the DSS.
“However, it is important to emphasise that in all previous instances, the DSS operatives have been stationed at the main gate of the Assembly complex, ensuring that unauthorised persons do not gain entry.
“For the avoidance of doubt, at no point did the letter requesting security assistance instruct the DSS to invade the legislative chamber, lock and restrict access to the Speaker’s office, lock the office of the Acting Clerk and lock the Deputy Speaker’s office.
“The events of today raise serious concerns about undue interference in legislative affairs. The sanctity of the Lagos State House of Assembly was undermined by armed DSS operatives who actively obstructed lawmakers from performing their constitutional duties.”
GAC distances self
The Chairman of GAC, Chief Tajudeen Olusi, in a telephone interview with our correspondent on Monday, said what happened at the House was not a party or GAC affair.
“Why don’t you talk to those who are involved, those who are there, members of the House of Assembly, the police, the DSS? I have not gotten sufficient information. What’s happening today is not from the party, it’s not from the GAC,” he said.
When quizzed on the speculation that the President was not able to handle the political crisis in Lagos, Olusi said, “Currently, the President is out of the country. Is that not correct? Has he returned? You’re aware that some time ago, the GAC, we were in Abuja to see the President but unfortunately, he has to travel out for an urgent state matter, you’re aware of this? So what happened at the House today is not the affair of the party.
“We as a party or as GAC shall speak at the appropriate time. It’s not that we don’t want to address the press or the public, but we will do that at the appropriate time. What’s happening, we were not part of it. I was not there, representatives of the party were not there, we have not been properly briefed.”
A GAC member, Chief Muraina Taiwo, said the assembly crisis had gone beyond what the council could handle “until Tinubu intervenes.”
He said, “The situation is not yet clear. The DSS said the acting Clerk invited them to guard the house against invasion and the members are saying they were there to prevent them from entering.
“The GAC’s power can no longer contain the crisis because if it does, the directive of the GAC would have been carried out (by the lawmakers).”
He also said he did not believe Obasa was behind the crisis.
“If he (Obasa) was behind the invasion, he would not have gone to court. The matter is already in court, he would allow the court to do its work.
Muraina said he also did not believe Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu was having a hand in the crisis.
“In politics, the more you look, the less you see. What are they going to say the governor did wrong? I don’t see anything wrong in the actions of the governor.
“But they’re saying those things so that they will not say the governor is behind them or funding them (the lawmakers).
“There’s no evidence to show he’s supporting them, all is politics.”
An aide to the governor, who asked not to be named, did not respond to inquiries from our correspondent.
‘Obasa not involved’
A source in the Obasa camp who spoke with The PUNCH on Monday evening said Obasa was not behind the DSS invasion of the assembly.
“They (the lawmakers) were the ones who invited the DSS, so how will they link it to Obasa?
“I believe they invited the DSS following reports that Obasa was to return to the House on February 18,” the source simply said.
Meranda denies resignation
The speaker of the House, Meranda, on Monday, denied that she was stepping down as the leader of the assembly.
Rumours on social media had it earlier on Monday that Meranda was due to resign over pressure amid the crisis rocking the assembly.
But in an interview, the Chief Press Secretary to the Speaker, Segun Ajiboye, described the rumour as “a lie from the pit of hell.”
Ajiboye said, “It is a lie from the pit of hell. If she had resigned, would she come back to sit at the plenary today?”
Lagos CP replaced
Amid the ongoing crisis, the Police Service Commission replaced the Commissioner of Police in Lagos, Lanre Ishola, and appointed Moshood Jimoh as the new CP.
Jimoh was the Force spokesman between January 2017 and January 2019. He was later Deputy Commissioner, Airport Police; Deputy Commissioner, Finance and Administration; Deputy Commissioner of General Investigation, and Commissioner of Police, Ports Authority, Eastern Ports.
A statement on Monday by the PSC’s spokesman, Ikechukwu Ani, read, “The Police Service Commission today, Monday, February 17, 2025, approved the appointment of Moshood Jimoh as the Commissioner of Police, Lagos State Command.
“Jimoh, who hails from Kwara State, was a former Force Public Relations Officer and later Deputy Commissioner, Airport Police; Deputy Commissioner, Finance and Administration and Deputy Commissioner General Investigation.
“CP Jimoh, before his appointment, was Commissioner of Police, Ports Authority, Eastern Ports.
“CP Olohundare Moshod Jimoh is a recipient of the Presidential Award for Public Relations Personality of the Year, in recognition of his sterling qualities and outstanding contribution to the development and use of Public Relations by the Nigeria Institute of Public Relations.”
Sanwo-Olu’s details redeployed
It was learnt on Monday that the DSS operatives attached to Sanwo-Olu were replaced by new ones.
A source close to the governor and privy to the development revealed that the security operatives were said to have overstayed in their capacity as security aides to the governor.
The change was linked to the political crisis rocking the state.
It was also gathered that the Director of the DSS in Lagos may be replaced anytime soon.
A source in the DSS, however, said only those who had overstayed in the governor’s security details were redeployed.
As of the press time, The PUNCH could not independently verify if the redeployment had to do with the crisis in the state Assembly.
Atiku, Rhode-Vivour kick
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar described the invasion of the Lagos State House of Assembly as “utterly reprehensible and stands condemned.”
He also blamed the President for interfering in state matters, while calling for a full and thorough investigation.
In a post on his verified X handle, Atiku said the invasion was an attack on the sanctity of democracy and a landmark of indignity to the Nigerian electorate, especially the people of Lagos.
“Whatever may have caused the leadership crisis in the Lagos State House of Assembly is an undercurrent that is not abnormal in a system of democracy.
“The purported invitation of armed security operatives for a conflict resolution in a parliament is an anathema that should be frowned upon and interrogated with all sense of urgency.
“Tinubu should focus on bringing Nigeria out of the mess he plunged the country into, rather than interfering in the state matters,” Atiku said.
A former Lagos State governorship candidate of the Labour Party in 2023, Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, in an interview on Channels, decried the assembly invasion by the DSS.
“Whoever is behind this should solve this problem in a civilised fashion, because the state Assembly must owe its loyalty to its constituents and not any godfather,” he said.
In a post on his X handle, he wrote, “As far back as 1861, the Lagos elites put everything on the line to fight and agitate for an independent legislative body, because our people have always understood the importance of representative democracy.
“Sadly, not even the military attempted the brazen desecration we witnessed today in our hallowed chamber.
“An open inquiry must be held to establish and bring to justice those behind this attempted coup.
“Lagos cannot be reduced to a Hobbesian state just to appease the narrow, primitive and self-serving interest of an individual, however highly placed,” he added.
PUNCH
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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