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2027: The Sins of Fubara, why he was dumped, disqualified from contesting 

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Fresh facts have emerged on how the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, lost the backing of President Bola Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress in the prolonged power tussle with his predecessor and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike.

Credible leaders of the APC involved in efforts to resolve the crisis between Fubara and Wike that the governor fell out with the President and the ruling party after allegedly reneging on reconciliation terms.

A member of the National Working Committee of the party, who spoke on condition of anonymity, revealed that the APC leadership refused to officially welcome Fubara into the party after his defection because he did not have Wike’s blessings.

“The President handed over the political structure of Rivers State to Wike. Fubara joined the party to outsmart Wike in a desperate move to secure a second term. But the party leadership already knew the body language of the President. That was why no official reception was given to Fubara after he joined the APC,” the party official said.

He added, “The President advised him to focus on governance and leave Wike alone for party politics. The President intervened and saved him from the first impeachment plot against him (Fubara).

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“On the second impeachment plot as well, the President told him to focus on governance and leave Wike alone. It was at that time that all parties agreed that he would not go for a second term. Fubara agreed to that, and that is why Wike always says, ‘Agreement is agreement.’

“But once the governor settles in Port Harcourt, some people would advise him against Wike again, telling him he is the governor and the leader of the party,” the APC NWC member added.

The source said it was impossible for the APC leadership to support Fubara’s second-term ambition, knowing it was against the settlement terms and that Tinubu was not in support.

The insider added that Fubara might have been misled by some APC chieftains who assured him of the party’s support.

“Even on this ongoing governorship matter, I am aware the party leadership told him that the Presidency and the Governors’ Forum were not on his side. Fubara had even told some party officials that he would not attend the governorship screening exercise, only for him to appear before the screening committee in Abuja.

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“The body language of the President is that Wike is in charge of Rivers politics, and Fubara should have seen that. Fubara did not have input in the screening committee of the APC for Rivers House of Assembly and National Assembly aspirants. All his candidates were disqualified.

“The structure of the Rivers APC primary was given to Wike. Wike is in control of Rivers politics and, until something changes, he will continue to hold sway in the state,” he added.

It was also gathered that Fubara was not cleared by the party’s governorship screening committee headed by its National Chairman, Prof Nentawe Yilwatda, and National Secretary, Ajibola Basiru.

“What I know is that Fubara was not cleared by the APC screening committee to contest. That was why he left in anger. If you remember, he stormed out of the screening venue angrily. He had a very bitter look on his face. He was not cleared; he was told he could not contest under the party. That means he was disqualified from the race.

“That he withdrew from the race is face-saving. A person who has been disqualified cannot participate in the primary. That was what happened,” the party leader, who spoke with Sunday PUNCH on condition of anonymity on Friday, said.

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One of the loyalists of the FCT minister also confirmed that Fubara was barred from contesting by the APC, boasting that “Wike has sealed the governor’s fate.”

According to the ally, who also spoke on condition of anonymity on Friday, the APC was “simply following the agreement that Fubara would not contest for a second term.”

“That is not power play or wickedness; it is simply honouring an agreement that Fubara himself agreed to. He would not have escaped impeachment if not for the President and Wike himself. Part of the agreement to settle the recurrent political crisis in Rivers then was that he would not contest for a second term, and he agreed.

“APC is just working towards that agreement, and that was why Fubara was not cleared to contest,” he added.

Meanwhile, the National Publicity Secretary of the party, Felix Morka, did not take his calls or respond to messages sent to him for comments on the matter.

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How APC denied Fubara reception

Fubara officially left the Peoples Democratic Party for the APC on December 9, 2025.

The governor thereafter visited the National Secretariat of the APC on December 17, where he pledged to collaborate with the party to ensure President Tinubu and the APC secured victory across all levels in 2027.

The National Chairman of the APC, Yilwatda, described Fubara’s defection as significant, noting that it completed the alignment of the South-South region with the party ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Despite this, the party refused to organise an official reception for Fubara after his defection.

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All the PDP governors, including Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta), Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom), Douye Diri (Bayelsa) and Peter Mbah (Enugu), who joined the APC, were officially received into the party by a delegation usually led by Vice President Kashim Shettima.

But Fubara was not given such a reception, a development that had earlier signalled the governor’s low standing in the party.

Yilwatda had, in February, explained that Fubara had not been formally welcomed into the party because of “regional sensitivities.”

The APC chairman, while speaking on TVC, said, “We have Kano we’re preparing for. When you’re dealing in politics, we opted to clear the North first because Ramadan is coming and most of the people in the North are Muslims.

“We have a lot of communities in the North that are sensitive to the issue of Ramadan. So, we pleaded that we clear the northern governors who have to come to the APC first before going to the South, where we don’t have Ramadan as an issue.

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“So, these are strategies and also an acknowledgement of the sensitivity of each community. That’s the reason we took that decision. It has nothing to do with Siminalayi Fubara not having authority.”

Surviving three impeachment plots

Findings revealed that Fubara survived three impeachment plots as the political crisis in the state escalated at different times.

The first impeachment plot against the governor began on October 30, 2023, barely five months after he assumed office.

About 24 lawmakers reportedly signed the impeachment notice, a move that triggered chaos at the Assembly complex in Port Harcourt, including protests, teargas and a fire incident at the Assembly chamber.

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That 2023 attempt was later withdrawn in December 2023 after President Tinubu brokered a peace deal between the factions.

During the peak of the political crisis between Fubara and Wike in March 2025, the lawmakers, led by the Speaker, Martin Amaewhule, also moved to impeach Fubara and his deputy, which then generated tension in the state.

Tinubu, on March 18, 2025, declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, suspending Fubara, the Deputy Governor, Ngozi Odu, and all members of the State House of Assembly for six months.

The President appointed a retired Rear Admiral, Ibok-Ete Ibas, as the state administrator.

However, Tinubu announced the end of the state of emergency on September 17, 2025.

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The third impeachment plot against Fubara began on January 8, 2026, when the lawmakers formally commenced impeachment proceedings against him over alleged gross misconduct.Slthough Tinubu was not in the country during the period, the President intervened again.

S’South youths, groups reject Fubara’s withdrawal

Meanwhile, several groups have expressed disappointment over Fubara’s withdrawal from the 2027 elections.

Amongst them is long standing supporter of the governor and pioneer spokesman of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, Anabs Sara-Igbe, who expressed sadness over Fubara’s action.

Sara-Igbe, an elder statesman, blamed Wike for the development.

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He said, “I have never seen this happen where one man thinks he can do and undo and nobody can challenge him. Rivers people, shine your eyes. Rivers people wake up from your slumber. Rivers people, it is time for us to fight and take back our state.”

Similarly, the Chairman Emeritus of Ijaw Youths Council, Eastern Zone, Ibim Ibiwari, said Ijaw people were disappointed with the decision of the governor to step down from the political contest.

He said, “It breaks my heart because the Ijaw people from 1999 have supported various gubernatorial aspirants and they become governor.

“From our leader, our father, Sir Peter Odili to Sir Celestine Omehia, then to Rt. Hon. Chibuike Amaechi and we gave the totality to the serving FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike you as media people are all aware that a lot of Ijaw people paid the supreme price with their lives in Abonema and other Ijaw communities to ensure that he came into power through our mother, Patience Jonathan, wife of the former President.”

Ibiwari said Fubara’s withdrawal has left many of his supporters frustrated and in a “mourning mood.”

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“I could not even take my son to school when it dawned on me that the governor was no longer contesting the election,” he added.

Ibiwari raised concerns about the projects initiated by the Fubara administration including the reconstruction of the Port Harcourt Tourist Beach and the Creek Road market and appealed to the governor to complete the projects.

Also speaking, the National President of the South-South Youths Initiative, Savior Imeabe, condemned the governor’s decision to step down despite what he described as overwhelming support from the people.

He said the governor should know that he holds the office in trust for the people of the state and that such a decision was not his alone to make and urged him to reconsider his decision, which he described as disappointing.

Imeabe called on the governor not to make the mistake of handing over the state to people without the interest of Rivers at heart.

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On his part, a former aide to Fubara, Chris Itamunola, described the governor’s withdrawal as unacceptable, saying his reason for maintaining peace in the state was not tenable, especially as the state had been in a political crisis for over three years.

He stated, “What peace? For the past three years, almost four years, have we had peace? What type of peace? A peace that throws us politically into the hands of the enemy?”

The lawyer expressed dismay that the people of the riverine areas of the state had not been given the opportunity to govern the state, unlike the counterparts from the upland who ruled for two tenures of eight years.

Source: PUNCH

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Politics

Ebonyi Governor, Family May Face Travel Restrictions Over Alleged Political Intimidation — Group

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ABAKALIKI — The Ebonyi Democratic Movement has petitioned the United States, the European Union and relevant European governments, seeking increased international scrutiny of political and security developments in Ebonyi State ahead of the 2027 general elections.
The group urged foreign governments to monitor the activities of Governor Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru and other individuals it said could potentially be linked to political intimidation, electoral threats or human-rights violations.
In its petition, the organisation said the governor, his immediate family members and associates could face visa denials, travel restrictions or other lawful sanctions if competent authorities independently establish evidence connecting them to conduct that falls within applicable sanctions or immigration laws.
However, the group stressed that no individual should be sanctioned solely on the basis of family relationships, political affiliation or association.
It said any decision to impose restrictions must be based on independently verified evidence, due process and the relevant laws of the country concerned.
The organisation’s concerns, according to the petition, are centred on statements allegedly made by Governor Nwifuru on June 15, 2026, and September 1, 2026.
The group argued that the statements warranted independent scrutiny because of what it described as their potential implications for political competition, civil liberties and the conduct of the 2027 elections in the state.
It called on foreign governments and diplomatic missions to consider targeted measures against individuals who are credibly established to have participated in, facilitated or supported serious electoral violence, political intimidation or human-rights violations.
The group also appealed to diplomatic missions to closely monitor political developments in Ebonyi, preserve relevant evidence and establish appropriate channels through which victims, witnesses, journalists and civil-society organisations could report credible incidents.
The petition emphasised that the proposed measures should not amount to collective punishment of the people of Ebonyi State or members of any political party.
Instead, the organisation said any sanctions or restrictions should be directed exclusively at individuals who meet the applicable legal threshold based on credible evidence.
“The democratic choice of the people must remain supreme,” the group said, urging Nigerian authorities and international institutions to take preventive measures against electoral violence before it escalates into loss of lives and property.
The Ebonyi Democratic Movement concluded its appeal with a call for the electorate’s choice to be respected.
“LET THE PEOPLE DECIDE.”

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Politics

Bourdex And The Politics Of Borrowed Influence

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Ogbonnaya James

Zero empowerment. Zero political portfolio. Zero demonstrable political prowess. Zero independent political structure.

These are legitimate questions that deserve careful consideration when assessing Bourdex’s political aspiration and readiness for the Senate.

Politics is not merely about belonging to a political party or benefiting from the popularity of a sitting Governor. Effective political leadership should be measured by personal achievements, grassroots mobilisation, empowerment, experience, political networks, leadership capacity and the ability to influence outcomes independently.

The concern, therefore, is whether Bourdex has built sufficient independent political capital and structure to justify the aspiration, or whether his emergence is largely dependent on party influence and the political wave surrounding the Governor.

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There is absolutely nothing wrong with receiving the support of a political party or enjoying the goodwill of a popular Governor. However, political support should complement an already established political capacity; it should not become the foundation of a candidate’s entire political relevance.

The questions before the electorate are therefore straightforward:

What has Bourdex built politically on his own? Who has he empowered? What independent political structure has he established? What is his political portfolio? And what demonstrable experience and capacity does he possess to provide effective representation at the national level?

These questions are not personal attacks; they are legitimate questions of leadership capacity, preparedness and political accountability that every serious aspirant should be willing to answer.

*ABIA NORTH DESERVES A SENATOR LIKE OUK WITH NATIONAL INFLUENCE.*

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Abia North deserves a Senator whose political influence is not borrowed or dependent entirely on the strength of another politician, but built through years of political experience, national relationships, grassroots engagement and proven leadership.

This is where the candidature of OUK presents a compelling contrast. Abia North needs a Senator with the experience and national political network to command respect, open doors, influence important decisions and effectively advance the interests of the constituency at the highest level of government.

Political support is important, but effective representation requires more than party backing or electoral popularity. It requires competence, experience, political reach, negotiation capacity and the ability to convert influence into meaningful opportunities for the people.

Abia North deserves more than political packaging. It deserves substance, competence, experience, influence and proven capacity.

Come 2027, voters should look beyond political waves and examine the substance behind every aspiration. The choice should be between earned political influence and borrowed political influence; between proven capacity and political dependence; between experience and mere political positioning.

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A political wave may help a candidate during an election, but only competence, experience, independent political capacity and genuine influence can sustain effective representation.

Abia North deserves leadership with substance. Abia North deserves a Senator with national influence. *Abia North deserves a Senator like OUK.*

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2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

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A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.

Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.

He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.

Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.

“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.

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“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?

“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.

Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?

According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?

Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”

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He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.

“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.

“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.

“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.

According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.

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“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.

Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.

He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.

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2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

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By PETRUS OBI

Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.

It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.

At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.

Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?

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Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.

Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.

His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.

Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.

Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.

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The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.

More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.

That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?

The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.

Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.

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He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.

That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.

The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.

In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.

Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.

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That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.

The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.

Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.

There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.

Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.

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Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.

With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.

More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.

The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.

But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.

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Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.

That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.

The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.

Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.

If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.

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He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.

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Politics

2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

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The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has explained why he could not have served as Director-General of President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 Presidential Campaign Council, saying he is not a member of the All Progressives Congress and does not want to risk losing his states.

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.

Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.

According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.

“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.

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“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.

“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!

“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”

Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.

“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.

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“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.

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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.

“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.

“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.

“So, we had our own strategies on how the president would emerge,” he said.
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Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.

“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.

Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.

“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.

“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.

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The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.

Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.

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