Politics
2027: The Sins of Fubara, why he was dumped, disqualified from contesting
Fresh facts have emerged on how the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, lost the backing of President Bola Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress in the prolonged power tussle with his predecessor and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike.
Credible leaders of the APC involved in efforts to resolve the crisis between Fubara and Wike that the governor fell out with the President and the ruling party after allegedly reneging on reconciliation terms.
A member of the National Working Committee of the party, who spoke on condition of anonymity, revealed that the APC leadership refused to officially welcome Fubara into the party after his defection because he did not have Wike’s blessings.
“The President handed over the political structure of Rivers State to Wike. Fubara joined the party to outsmart Wike in a desperate move to secure a second term. But the party leadership already knew the body language of the President. That was why no official reception was given to Fubara after he joined the APC,” the party official said.
He added, “The President advised him to focus on governance and leave Wike alone for party politics. The President intervened and saved him from the first impeachment plot against him (Fubara).
“On the second impeachment plot as well, the President told him to focus on governance and leave Wike alone. It was at that time that all parties agreed that he would not go for a second term. Fubara agreed to that, and that is why Wike always says, ‘Agreement is agreement.’
“But once the governor settles in Port Harcourt, some people would advise him against Wike again, telling him he is the governor and the leader of the party,” the APC NWC member added.
The source said it was impossible for the APC leadership to support Fubara’s second-term ambition, knowing it was against the settlement terms and that Tinubu was not in support.
The insider added that Fubara might have been misled by some APC chieftains who assured him of the party’s support.
“Even on this ongoing governorship matter, I am aware the party leadership told him that the Presidency and the Governors’ Forum were not on his side. Fubara had even told some party officials that he would not attend the governorship screening exercise, only for him to appear before the screening committee in Abuja.
“The body language of the President is that Wike is in charge of Rivers politics, and Fubara should have seen that. Fubara did not have input in the screening committee of the APC for Rivers House of Assembly and National Assembly aspirants. All his candidates were disqualified.
“The structure of the Rivers APC primary was given to Wike. Wike is in control of Rivers politics and, until something changes, he will continue to hold sway in the state,” he added.
It was also gathered that Fubara was not cleared by the party’s governorship screening committee headed by its National Chairman, Prof Nentawe Yilwatda, and National Secretary, Ajibola Basiru.
“What I know is that Fubara was not cleared by the APC screening committee to contest. That was why he left in anger. If you remember, he stormed out of the screening venue angrily. He had a very bitter look on his face. He was not cleared; he was told he could not contest under the party. That means he was disqualified from the race.
“That he withdrew from the race is face-saving. A person who has been disqualified cannot participate in the primary. That was what happened,” the party leader, who spoke with Sunday PUNCH on condition of anonymity on Friday, said.
One of the loyalists of the FCT minister also confirmed that Fubara was barred from contesting by the APC, boasting that “Wike has sealed the governor’s fate.”
According to the ally, who also spoke on condition of anonymity on Friday, the APC was “simply following the agreement that Fubara would not contest for a second term.”
“That is not power play or wickedness; it is simply honouring an agreement that Fubara himself agreed to. He would not have escaped impeachment if not for the President and Wike himself. Part of the agreement to settle the recurrent political crisis in Rivers then was that he would not contest for a second term, and he agreed.
“APC is just working towards that agreement, and that was why Fubara was not cleared to contest,” he added.
Meanwhile, the National Publicity Secretary of the party, Felix Morka, did not take his calls or respond to messages sent to him for comments on the matter.
How APC denied Fubara reception
Fubara officially left the Peoples Democratic Party for the APC on December 9, 2025.
The governor thereafter visited the National Secretariat of the APC on December 17, where he pledged to collaborate with the party to ensure President Tinubu and the APC secured victory across all levels in 2027.
The National Chairman of the APC, Yilwatda, described Fubara’s defection as significant, noting that it completed the alignment of the South-South region with the party ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Despite this, the party refused to organise an official reception for Fubara after his defection.
All the PDP governors, including Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta), Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom), Douye Diri (Bayelsa) and Peter Mbah (Enugu), who joined the APC, were officially received into the party by a delegation usually led by Vice President Kashim Shettima.
But Fubara was not given such a reception, a development that had earlier signalled the governor’s low standing in the party.
Yilwatda had, in February, explained that Fubara had not been formally welcomed into the party because of “regional sensitivities.”
The APC chairman, while speaking on TVC, said, “We have Kano we’re preparing for. When you’re dealing in politics, we opted to clear the North first because Ramadan is coming and most of the people in the North are Muslims.
“We have a lot of communities in the North that are sensitive to the issue of Ramadan. So, we pleaded that we clear the northern governors who have to come to the APC first before going to the South, where we don’t have Ramadan as an issue.
“So, these are strategies and also an acknowledgement of the sensitivity of each community. That’s the reason we took that decision. It has nothing to do with Siminalayi Fubara not having authority.”
Surviving three impeachment plots
Findings revealed that Fubara survived three impeachment plots as the political crisis in the state escalated at different times.
The first impeachment plot against the governor began on October 30, 2023, barely five months after he assumed office.
About 24 lawmakers reportedly signed the impeachment notice, a move that triggered chaos at the Assembly complex in Port Harcourt, including protests, teargas and a fire incident at the Assembly chamber.
That 2023 attempt was later withdrawn in December 2023 after President Tinubu brokered a peace deal between the factions.
During the peak of the political crisis between Fubara and Wike in March 2025, the lawmakers, led by the Speaker, Martin Amaewhule, also moved to impeach Fubara and his deputy, which then generated tension in the state.
Tinubu, on March 18, 2025, declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, suspending Fubara, the Deputy Governor, Ngozi Odu, and all members of the State House of Assembly for six months.
The President appointed a retired Rear Admiral, Ibok-Ete Ibas, as the state administrator.
However, Tinubu announced the end of the state of emergency on September 17, 2025.
S’South youths, groups reject Fubara’s withdrawal
Meanwhile, several groups have expressed disappointment over Fubara’s withdrawal from the 2027 elections.
Amongst them is long standing supporter of the governor and pioneer spokesman of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, Anabs Sara-Igbe, who expressed sadness over Fubara’s action.
Sara-Igbe, an elder statesman, blamed Wike for the development.
He said, “I have never seen this happen where one man thinks he can do and undo and nobody can challenge him. Rivers people, shine your eyes. Rivers people wake up from your slumber. Rivers people, it is time for us to fight and take back our state.”
Similarly, the Chairman Emeritus of Ijaw Youths Council, Eastern Zone, Ibim Ibiwari, said Ijaw people were disappointed with the decision of the governor to step down from the political contest.
He said, “It breaks my heart because the Ijaw people from 1999 have supported various gubernatorial aspirants and they become governor.
“From our leader, our father, Sir Peter Odili to Sir Celestine Omehia, then to Rt. Hon. Chibuike Amaechi and we gave the totality to the serving FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike you as media people are all aware that a lot of Ijaw people paid the supreme price with their lives in Abonema and other Ijaw communities to ensure that he came into power through our mother, Patience Jonathan, wife of the former President.”
Ibiwari said Fubara’s withdrawal has left many of his supporters frustrated and in a “mourning mood.”
“I could not even take my son to school when it dawned on me that the governor was no longer contesting the election,” he added.
Ibiwari raised concerns about the projects initiated by the Fubara administration including the reconstruction of the Port Harcourt Tourist Beach and the Creek Road market and appealed to the governor to complete the projects.
Also speaking, the National President of the South-South Youths Initiative, Savior Imeabe, condemned the governor’s decision to step down despite what he described as overwhelming support from the people.
He said the governor should know that he holds the office in trust for the people of the state and that such a decision was not his alone to make and urged him to reconsider his decision, which he described as disappointing.
Imeabe called on the governor not to make the mistake of handing over the state to people without the interest of Rivers at heart.
On his part, a former aide to Fubara, Chris Itamunola, described the governor’s withdrawal as unacceptable, saying his reason for maintaining peace in the state was not tenable, especially as the state had been in a political crisis for over three years.
He stated, “What peace? For the past three years, almost four years, have we had peace? What type of peace? A peace that throws us politically into the hands of the enemy?”
The lawyer expressed dismay that the people of the riverine areas of the state had not been given the opportunity to govern the state, unlike the counterparts from the upland who ruled for two tenures of eight years.
Source: PUNCH
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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