Opinion
2023 Guber: Enugu State needs a good Samaritan, not a saint
By Anayo Agu
The story of the Good Samaritan teaches many profound lessons, but the heart of it all is “love your neighbor in spite of your differences and be good to everyone.” The Good Samaritan embodies other virtues such as empathy and compassion. His conduct is a lesson in courage, commitment, and death to self in the service of neighbor and the public. His attitude trashes the conceit of the self-righteous.
There are no saints among us, not even one. The Holy Bible is this much clear about human nature and the morality of over eight billion human beings who populate the earth today. But there are some Good Samaritans among us. There are some persons in our political environment, who are admired for the courage of their convictions, their outstanding achievements, and contributions to our development; their compassionate predisposition to rescue and bind the wounds of any lone way fairer stricken down by bandits on our uncertain, life highways. Such people will always be rare in any environment and at any moment in time. But, amid our current challenges, such are the people we really need to lead the charge in our next political cycle starting May 2023.
THE REIGN OF TERROR
Things are no longer at ease in Enugu State. Anyone still thinking otherwise is either living in a fool’s paradise, or is a direct beneficiary of the inexplicable, sudden descent of the State into a conclave of killing and bloodbath in broad daylight. There is no doubt that something has gone fundamentally wrong with our security architecture and/or with the key operatives. Otherwise, how does anyone explain the carnage going on in several communities in Isi Uzo local government area, the killings and the pandemic of kidnapping spreading unchecked like wild fire across the State? Are these fatalities not enough indicators that our security system has collapsed? Or are we waiting until Enugu State becomes a replica of the mayhem in many states in Nigeria?
On all fronts and in all our highways, Enugu State is under attack. While the Federal Government watches from a distance and appears indifferent, and the state government seems helpless, gangs of merciless bandits, ruthless kidnappers and weaponized herdsmen are gradually snatching Enugu State from “the hands of God.” And the irony of it all is that the elaborate headquarters of the 82 division of the Nigerian army is located right at the center of the state capital, Enugu. Yet allegations are rife, proven or not, that some soldiers on duty at check points might be complicit in most of the kidnappings now happening frequently along Enugu-Port Harcourt Expressway, along Four Corner – Udi axis, along 9th Mile-Udi old road, along 9th Mile-Opi old road, and along Nike-Opi bypass. Agbani, a strategic commercial town in Nkanu West, has also become a killing field and a nightmare to the Police.
Enugu State, once rated as the most peaceful state in Southern Nigeria and one of the safest places to live and do business, has suddenly become a safe haven and a gathering wasteland for merciless bandits and foreign kidnappers. And the relevant authorities appear unwilling or unable to stem this worrisome trend. All of this month of November, 2022, the social media have been jammed by tales of tragedies, and of gory stories about victims killed on their way home. The statistics include a mother and a child returning from a marriage ceremony in Ebonyi State, and victims hacked down or taken hostage in their neighborhoods.
THE ILLUSION WE GLORIFY AND PAY FOR
State governors are designated the chief security officers of their states. Yet, they neither command any security agency nor have authority to procure arms and ammunitions even for their local vigilantes. How anyone in this precarious constitutional arrangement is expected to decisively deal with and effectively tackle the compounding complexities of our security challenges is beyond comprehension. More importantly, this dilemma calls to question the real intention of the humongous security votes the governors are burdened with and most enjoy to dispense without transparency and accountability.
BEFORE THE CHRSTMAS SEASON AND THE 2023 ELECTIONS
A state of emergency must be declared, at least for one week, in Enugu State to address the surging brigandage and killings on our roads, farmlands, and communities. Otherwise, this Christmas season may be a harrowing period, and it may witness some unpleasant experiences. We must devise some indigenous ways to take back our state from foreign bandits, commercial kidnappers, and armed herdsmen who have seen our people and environment as a soft target. We must be strategic, unanimous and decisive, and our political leaders should be at the forefront.
Some concerned citizens have made useful suggestions on how to curtail our deteriorating security situation. Their suggestions include the necessity of local government chairmen to step up security surveillance and also the need for them to take full charge of security responsibilities in their domains. The thinking or the wisdom in this proposal is that security is local and it is everybody’s business. While one acknowledges these good intentions, the fact remains that security is constitutionally and financially a national and sub-national function domiciled with the office of the president and the state governors, who are “designated” the chief security officers of their states. Designate is used advisedly here, because; state governors are chief security officers de jure, but not de facto, as lawyers would put it. It may therefore be problematic to ask the local government chairmen who do not have the financial backing to take over the kind of large-scale insecurity currently besieging every nook and cranny of Enugu State.
STEMMING THE CAMPAIGN OF CALUMNY
Some weeks ago, there was a very interesting article. According to the author, the governorship candidates of the four leading political parties in Enugu State, Dr. Peter Mbah of PDP, Chijioke Edeoga of Labor Party, Frank Nweke, Jr. of APGA, and Uche Nnaji of APC, are protégés of some of the god fathers who dictate the selection of political leaders in Enugu State. While the author accused Edeoga of loyalty to the Nwodo family who are his in-laws, he claimed that the other three candidates are beneficiaries of the Ebeano family. In the end, he suggested that the electorate should discard the four candidates and look for credible, untainted alternatives from other parties. As erudite as his analysis and commentaries appeared to be, the implausibility of his recommendation was made obvious by his failure to mention some potential replacements of the four front runners from candidates of the other struggling political parties.
Over the months, starting from the buildup to the party primaries, Enugu State has witnessed a barrage of very distracting campaigns of calumny deliberately orchestrated by some candidates to undermine their most dreaded opponents. One has heard, seen and read some of the most obscene accusations of improprieties and purported pending trials by the EFCC. For the sake of decency and fair contests, political candidates must be persuaded at this juncture to desist forthwith from personal attacks of their opponents. They should focus on issues of governance, leadership, security and our broken economy.
HOPE IS NOT A STRATEGY
Beyond hoping on providence and the providential wind of change, it would appear that some candidates are not really investing in the 2023 elections. According to Vitus Ozoko (Odenigbo), among the four leading, governorship candidates, Peter Mbah of PDP appears to be the most prepared for leadership. Ozoko made this unequivocal statement after listening to Mbah’s presentations at a zoom meeting hosted by Enugu State people in Diaspora. The town hall meeting which had previously featured Edeoga and Frank Nweke, Jr. provided Mbah an opportunity to answer sundry questions related to his relationship with his former boss, His Excellency Senator Chimaroke Nnamani, the formation and ownership of Pinnacle Oil Company, and accusations of executive embezzlement of state funds while he was serving as commissioner for finance. In his statements, Ozoko posited that Mbah is the only candidate with a clear roadmap, a manual on how to rebuild, reposition, and revitalize Enugu State. For instance, in his manifesto, Mbah promises to aggressively tackle unemployment, work with relevant security agencies as well as mobilize stakeholders and communities. Furthermore, he proposes to deploy drones, close-circuit cameras and digital tracking systems to checkmate our spiraling insecurity. His manifesto is described as a Master Class, and his propositions inspire hope. In this wise, one can say that his strategy inspires hope, but hope is not his strategy.
WHAT TO DO NOW
At a time like this when we are in the midst of extreme challenges, particularly challenges of heightened insecurity, a broken economy, and widespread poverty, we need a Good Samaritan, not an angel. We need a Johnny-on-the-spot, someone able and willing to lead from the front, regardless of the mountains of dangers ahead. We need someone who will not be encumbered or distracted in office by sectional acrimonies or differences.
In conclusion, it is worth repeating with all seriousness that Enugu State is under attack by some gangs of merciless bandits, ruthless kidnappers and weaponized herdsmen. These foreign invaders have literally taken over the highways, farmlands and neighborhoods, and they are determined to snatch Enugu State from “the hands of God.” A state of emergency must be declared ahead of Christmas and Enugu people must have the courage to rise up to take back the communities from these rampaging criminals before the state becomes a replica of many states in Nigeria that are now a den of terrorists. As political campaigns intensify ahead of the 2023 elections, we must resolve to vote for a Good Samaritan, and we must resist those who cast aspersions on their opponents in attempts to rubbish their reputations instead of proffering solutions to our challenges. Such candidates are wolves in sheep’s clothing. The die is cast.
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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