Politics
Tinubu’s action in Rivers a Coup, should be removed, tried for treason – Kenneth Okonkwo
Veteran Nollywood actor, politician and activist Kenneth Okonkwo has called for the removal of President Bola Tinubu for for what he termed declaration of Martial Law in Rivers State.
What he did is a coup not a state of emergency as people erroneously call it
Okonkwo’s reaction to the recent events in Rivers State is contained in a podcast shared on YouTube which the actor personally availed everydaynewsngr.net.
Hear him:
People have been making a mistake as to what the president did in Rivers State. Tinubu did not declare state of emergency in Rivers State, the president declared a Martial law in Rivers State.
State of Emergency is recognised by our constitution. And has given the president the power to declare state of emergency under certain conditions.
The Nigerian Bar Association has made it clear that none of those conditions has been fulfilled to warrant the declaration of State of emergency. Meaning that the purported declaration is not a state of emergency.
The Supreme Court is very clear! In the case of Attorney General of Bendel State and Adeyo, It said any act of governance not covered under an enabling law is a nullity. So there is nothing like state of emergency in Rivers. What Bola Tinubu did is not a state of emergency because even when the situation has arisen it doesn’t include the removal of elected representatives of the people.
The constitution is very clear in Section 1(2) that Nigeria shall not be governed or any part thereof by any persons except in accordance with the constitution. Where is it in the constitution that Nigeria or any state shall be governed by a sole administrator. None.
So what the President did is akin to what the president of South Korea did when he declared martial law and wanted to remove the representatives of the people. The legislature moved in immediately.
Including members of the party of the president and removed the president himself. Declaring martial law to remove representatives of the people; that is a coup against the federation.
The president of South Korea is awaiting trial for doing that.
What the legislature is expected to be thinking about doing is removing Tinubu for declaring martial law on a state, federating unit and trying to rule that state through the military; through Sole administrator, not contemplated by our constitution.
Tinubu usurped the power to make law for that state; he said the sole administrator can make regulation – regulation is part of law. So he usurped it through a decree; not our law. That sole administrator can make law and he, Tinubu, and his cabinet will be the one to authorise the law. Usurping power of the legislature- that is treason. That is trying to govern Nigeria or a part of it in a manner not contemplated by the constitution.
Tinubu suspended numerous sections of the constitution in order to make his declaration. No state of emergency authorises the govt to suspend any provision of the constitution. But in declaring the martial law which Tinubu did he suspended Sections 1, 179,180, 188, 189, 120 and 121 including Section 117 and 110 of the constitution in order to make that declaration. That cannot be declaration of a state of Emergency.
What are these Sections talking, that you cannot govern Nigeria outside elected members of the representatives of the people. And these Sections enumerated the methods you can use to remove a member of the House of Assembly Or the Governor. One, by death, resignation, impeachment, by permanent incapacity and expiration of term. And for the House of Assembly member by recall. That’s the summary of the Sections I have enumerated.
So the president suspended these sections and wants to rule Rivers State by decree. Because he has already usurped the power of the legislature and that is why I am saying that what he declared was martial law, was a coup against the people of Rivers State.
Rivers State are the ones that elected the Governor and members of the Assembly. And even by interpretation act, it said, he that appoints is the only person that has the power to remove. So the President did not appoint the Governor, he did not appoint members of the Assembly, they were elected. The President has no right to remove them. And any govt in place on a democracy was instituted by laws; that’s why the Supreme Court say any act of governance that is not covered under an enabling law is a nullity.
Even the National Assembly that has the right, and I am talking now about the State of emergency, for us to know the difference between State of emergency and what Tinubu did. In state of emergency, Section 305 is very clear, you declare State of emergency when there is war, when there is imminent threat of invasion of Nigeria – that has not happened. Or when there is actual breakdown of public order and public safety as to warrant extra ordinary measure to correct the situation or where there is a danger that such a thing will happen or where there is a natural calamity of such that needs extraordinary measure to correct it or where there is a threat to the collapse of the federation of Nigeria. This is Section 305(3). Now, none of these has happened and the President came on TV to say there is a security report – security report Mr President is for you, it is not for Nigerians. So anything that Nigerians do not know should not know Nigerians. You that know your security report has not given you the right to remove elected representatives. So what the State of emergency actually is doing is that the president should empower the democratic forces to be able to overcome the danger even if it means using extraordinary measure. What is the extraordinary measure? The state of emergency that is talking about extraordinary measure is that you have the right to restrict the fundamental rights of Nigerians when you are taking away the extraordinary measure it does not mean removing elected representatives and it was stated in Section 45 of the constitution when they say that the provisions of the human rights cannot invalidate any law made by the National Assembly if that law is intended for the defense, public safety, public morality, public order or public health of the country and even that Section made it clear that the National Assembly has the power to make such law for the defense even if it affects the fundamental human rights. And in Section 11(4) the constitution made it clear that the making of the law by the National Assembly does not include the removal of the governor or the deputy. That is, even if the legislature is not functioning in that state. What does that tell you, that no law gives any right to any elected president to remove elected representatives of the people. Now let me tell you this catch, because the President is referring to one pipeline or two that was breached. During the regime of President Goodluck Jonathan the whole pipelines in Niger Delta were threatened; most of them were breached by the militants that had waged war against the federal Republic because of marginalisation of The Niger Delta. President Goodluck Jonathan…that was a situation that needed a state of emergency, he did not even declare a state of emergency because he didn’t believe there was anything extraordinary in what these people were doing which the security forces cannot contain. He simply made an order that security forces should restore order in that region and arrest the culprits and bring them to justice. That was what he did and the security forces moved in. No governor was affected, no assembly was affected and it led to the dialogue which resulted in the amnesty which brought peace to the region which we are enjoying today. When a competent president wants to make peace in any part of the country he goes by the way that Goodluck Jonathan, that Umar Y’adua did. You negotiate; you go into dialogue not going to support your appointee in order to destroy the state because you want to capture the state. That is why it is not a state of emergency he is doing because Y’Adua faced with problem in the entire Niger Delta which breached all the pipelines, which brought war against the federal government did not even declare a state of emergency and a president is telling you apprehension, there is tension not that there is something actual, no evidence, that is one. Secondly, when Goodluck Jonathan was faced with invasion, insurgency by a terrorist group called Boko Haram that had taken over local governments and three states were under threat, Goodluck Jonathan rightly declared a state of emergency and did not remove any governor and did not remove any representative of the people; why? Because he was not declaring any martial law he was declaring state of emergency and he took out that situation and in six weeks he wiped them out. Why he declared a state of emergency is to let the people know- your movement might be curtailed so don’t come and quote for us freedom of movement. You shouldn’t come out at so so time because stray bullet can catch you. And then if hit by stray bullet you can’t go to anyone and say the person was killed. That’s the essence of the state of emergency. Your fundamental human rights could be be involved.
Now, let’s go to Obasanjo because he was the only leader that removed some governors while declaring state of emergency which the courts now have ruled illegal. But one thing Obasanjo did; he didn’t use it as an instrument of power grab. Obasanjo never declared or removed any elected representatives in the opposition party; it was only PDP members, his own party he removed. And there was another governor that had security issues from another party, Obasanjo refused to remove him because he knew it would be interpreted as power grab. He wrote a letter of warning to that Governor.
When Tinubu was governor there were security problems in Lagos. Obasanjo restrained himself from declaring state of emergency in Lagos.
.. it is a coup to forcefully and with military remove elected representatives so that he can take over the state and administer it with military people that’s a coup.
Tinubu is the first President since 1979 that has used the instrument of State of emergency to usurp power from the opposition party. There was nothing in Rivers State that necessitated a declaration of State of emergency.
When they organised local government election in Rivers State secretaries were burned by people who were against the Governor. Somebody was caught with a bomb; he detonated it, it wounded him. They arrested him, what has happened to him till date, nothing. People committed arson; people loyal to appointees of the president. Burned down secretariats in open glare, nobody was arrested, why? No state of emergency was declared, why? And then, now you have peace you are saying you declared state of emergency.
I was really troubled When the president was mentioning Supreme Court judgement; Supreme Court said that appropriation act must be re submitted by the governor because the governor had submitted it to a legitimate House of Assembly and they were legitimate until the declaration of the Supreme Court.
They said he should re-present it to the 27 lawmakers. And the law is that no money of the state can be spent except it’s appropriated by the House of Assembly and that the Governor will present it for such appropriation.
Tinubu suspended the constitution because he wanted to go against the Supreme Court judgement which has ordered the governor to re-present the budget to the Assembly. This declaration is against the Supreme Court judgement and it is now Tinubu disobeying the Supreme Court judgement not the governor. The governor wrote to the Assembly; come let is discuss about the budget. What a good man. Why is he inviting them? Because the budget that contained only four members of the Assembly will not be the same as the budget that will contain 27 members. They refused. They gave him ultimatum. Ultimatum means we are waiting for you and you must come and present this within this time. The governor went to honour the ultimatum. They locked the gate against him and yet Tinubu is giving it as an example. And he is calling the governor who said he would obey the decisions of the Court and has obeyed all. And you are still calling him. That means you have a sinister motive to overthrow his government by force and that is exactly what he did, deploying the military which is against the judgement of the Supreme Court. It’s an impeachable offense for a President to go against the judgement of the Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court is very clear that no money should be spent. It even suspended the allocation. So saying that you will unilaterally make a law to overrule the Supreme Court and give Rivers State money to a Sole administrator who is not even from their State means that you want to use your power which is military power as Commander in chief of the Armed forces …if this is not military dictatorship tell me what it is…so what happened in Rivers State is coup and Nigerians must rise..like what happened in South Korea, Tinubu ought to be removed and ought to be facing trial for treason…”
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The Anambra State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has expelled 30 members of the party for instituting legal actions against the party.
The affected members include some aspirants for the National Assembly, and their expulsion may disqualify them from participating in the party’s primary elections.
Disclosing this shortly after the meeting of the State Executive Committee (SEC) of the party, the State Publicity Secretary, Dr. Sir Valentine Iyiegbu, told reporters that the decision was in line with Section 21, Subsection 5 of the party’s constitution.
“The party discussed those who took the party to court, and many of them are contesting for the House of Representatives tickets of the party,” he said.
“The matter comes up tomorrow, and the SEC stated that what the party constitution stipulates would be followed, which is outright expulsion from the party under Article 21, Subsection 5.”
“The SEC actually ratified their expulsion because they did not exhaust all the internal avenues provided by the party to resolve their grievances,” he added.
Iyiegbu noted that the only reprieve available to the expelled members would be for them to withdraw their court cases.
“It is only when the matters are withdrawn from the court that the party can consider listening to them,” he said.
Speaking on the party’s primary elections, he explained:
“In the case of those contesting for the tickets of the Federal House of Representatives, all the eleven positions have aspirants, while for the Senate, the three positions are also being contested. The screening committees were here to perform their duties,” he noted.
The party also ratified the appointment of a five-man Primary Elections Committee headed by Sir Izuchukwu Okeke, the State Organising Secretary of the party.
By PETRUS OBI
Frontline aspirant for the Aninri/Awgu/Oji-River Federal Constituency seat, Anayo Onwuegbu, has successfully completed the screening exercise conducted by the All Progressives Congress House of Representatives screening panel in Abuja ahead of the party primaries scheduled for Friday, May 15, 2026.
Speaking after the exercise, Onwuegbu expressed satisfaction with the screening process, describing it as a reflection of the party’s commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and credible leadership selection ahead of the 2027 general elections.
The aspirant, who is seeking to represent Aninri/Awgu/Oji-River Federal Constituency under the platform of the APC, stated that he remains focused and prepared to continue to offer quality representation to the people of the constituency.
According to him, “The process once again highlights our party’s commitment to internal democracy, transparency, and the emergence of credible leadership as we prepare for the 2027 general elections.”
He reaffirmed his dedication to the development of the constituency, pledging to serve the people with commitment and purpose if elected.
The APC House of Representatives primaries are expected to hold nationwide on Friday as aspirants battle for the party’s tickets ahead of the 2027 elections.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
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