
Politics
Don’t cross the lines, Dele Momodu, warns Wike, Ortom, Makinde, Ikpeazu

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It appears your party’s Campaign Council is in trouble. Two governors have apparently disowned your presidential campaign and chances are that you might lose votes in their states, Benue and Rivers. How much of blow is this for your party?
I don’t see it as any blow and before I continue, you know that I am a great fan of Governor Wike and Governor Ortom happens to be one of our good governors but you know they work together and, when you look at the pattern, you will see that it is like a deliberate orchestration for maximum effect and impact. It is not true that our candidate did not want to involve them, our candidate reached out to them, several times, at home and abroad, but they remained very rigid in their position. In every reconciliation effort, it is expected that there would be a shift and they said they are not going to shift and anyone who knows Atiku Abubakar very well will know that he is a man who conducts himself very well. His comportment in fact is unprecedented. He does not exchange verbal attacks with anybody. He has been talking to them and he will continue to dialogue with them.
Even some of them (associates) whose names were published, they pulled them out, saying they will not participate in the in the campaign after the Presidential Campaign Council was announced. So, what do you want him to do?
He can’t wait forever and that is why he has moved on, thinking that maybe one day, they will have a change of heart to look favorably in his direction, but, as it is, he has carried on with his campaign without attacking any governor. Calling him an agent of Meyitti Allah is to the extreme. Anybody who has followed the trajectory of Atiku will know that he is detribalized, has friends in every part of Nigeria. I currently work in his office, where a lot of young men and women from every part of Nigeria are doing their work. Atiku Abubakar cannot be an agent of Miyetti Allah, I think that is carrying it too far.
Is it a coincidence that Chief Femi Fani-Kayode stated part of what Governor Orton is re- echoing; allegations of ethnic bigotry, bias and perceived alliance in the manner in which Atiku is said to have aligned.
Govs Wike, Ortom, Makinde and Ikpeazu are asking for equity in the party and Chief Bode George is saying they need a southern face that could give them some sense of relevance in the party’s presidential election. Is it not equity they are asking for?
It is too late in the day for anybody to be asking for a southern candidate. We had a primary election…
Is it a southern candidate they are asking for or a southern representation that is meaningful?
We have it in our party. In fact, PDP has done far better than any other political party in Nigeria. If you look at our trajectory between 1999 and 2007, PDP presented former President Obasanjo, who served for eight years, then we had Yar’ Adua who was in power for three years, then we had former President Jonathan, who was there for five years. So, we (South) would have had 13 years out of 24 years (of democracy) by next year. So, we don’t have that problem in PDP, you can talk about other parties, but I can tell you that the last President the PDP fielded was a southerner. So, nobody is going to accuse us of entrenching Hausa/Fulani interest. There is a major campaign of calumny against the Hausa/Fulani in Nigeria today, which I find very dangerous.
They are Nigerians. They are part of Nigerians and elections are about numbers. If the Hausa/Fulani are able to manage themselves better than southerners, so be it. I was in that race, and I can tell you that southern candidates never worked together. I even tried to reach some southern governors who would not receive me, whereas when you go to the North, there is open door.
I went to Sokoto, Governor Tambuwal was personally driving me round in the state. In the South I was just like nobody. It is the nature of politics. It is whosoever has the capacity to carry every other person along. Let me warn, whenever in the past we had two strong southern candidates, they lost to the North. We did it in 1979 when we had Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the scenario repeated itself in 1983. The South must learn about politics and politicking. It is not about sentiments.
Are you saying the South is naive, politically?
I didn’t use the word naive or naivety but I am telling you history.
The history you are portraying is that the southern political force has gotten it wrong. Is that what you are saying?
Democracy is different from revolution. We must choose between democracy and revolution. South cannot blackmail the North, just like the North cannot blackmail the South. We must work together. When you refuse to do that, you are heading to failure.
President Buhari is a Fulani man and Atiku Abubakar a Fulani man too. A school of thought is asking, irrespective of their political parties, is it fair for a Fulani man to hand over to another Fulani man after leading for eight years?
Democracy is not always about fairness. For instance, how long did it take former President Obama to emerge as US President? It is a game of numbers and not sentiment. You and I can cry from now till kingdom come, until we learn to conduct politics properly, we will continue to lose. Look, before former President Obasanjo emerged as President, he made sure he reached out to everybody, the same thing applied before former President Yar’ Adua. As popular as Buhari was in 2007 and 2011, he couldn’t make it; he was only able to make it in 2015, not because of his tribe but because he was able to reach out to the South. Any southerner who wants to become the President of Nigeria must reach out to the North.
The question is that all the comments and allegations of ethnic beliefs and biases are buttressed by what Atiku said at the Arewa Forum in Kaduna…
What did he say in Kaduna?
What he said was in simple English but people decided to cut away the conclusion. It was the North that asked him a question and he replied by urging them not to vote anybody on account of region. A lot of people today are whipping up emotional sentiments; that it is because of where I come from, the ‘Emilokan syndrome’, “because I am a Yoruba man, then I deserve to be President”, “because I am an Igbo man, I deserve to be President”.
Nobody has championed Igbo presidency more than some of us. (But) that cannot be your only qualification. Go and sell your credentials and manifestos. Atiku Abubakar does not need any of that any longer, he has sold his over the years and everybody is familiar with him. You can call him names, he will not respond, but don’t call him an ethnic jingoist. Never!
Are you saying that what Governor Ortom said is wrong?
He is carrying it too far. He is a man I like so much. Of course it is wrong to label him (Atiku) an agent of Miyetti Allah. You can say anything about Atiku Abubakar but calling him an agent of Miyetti Allah, I disagree vehemently with that. It is wrong. If you don’t want to support a man, it is very easy to give a dog a bad name in order to hang it, but it is wrong to disparage a man who has served his country meritoriously, who has done everything he could for every part of this country; but because you are playing politics, disagree with him, you will use such weighty words against him? Well, there is always another time.
If words are weighty, but are true…
That is what I am telling you, that even Governor Wike, who is supposed to be the angriest of them all because he participated in our primary, has not used such word against Atiku. I give him credit. In getting angry, in trying not to work for him, if that is their decision, let us conduct ourselves well. People get angry, there is nothing wrong in that, they have every reason to be angry, but they should not cross certain lines. I have written in the last couple of months to Governor Wike, the closest to me among them, because I call him the ‘poster boy in PDP’, great guy, doing very well, advising him not to cross certain lines. That night, he called, we spoke briefly and we continued to respect his opinion but I will continue to appeal, don’t destroy the bridge you crossed because you don’t know whether you will need that bridge again, if you don’t need it, a member of your family might need it.
Can your presidential campaign team do without the governors of Oyo, Benue, Rivers and Abia states that are not supporting your candidate? Isn’t you party in trouble in these four states?
My party is not in trouble. I am a child of destiny and God is responsible for everything on earth. If it is God’s wish that Atiku will be the next President of Nigeria, 20 governors cannot stop him. It has happened in Osun State where we counted on Governor Makinde, but for whatever reasons, he couldn’t make it.
We never made an issue of it. We didn’t have Governor Wike when we were campaigning in Osun. (But) we were able to defeat the fire power of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, who hails from the state. Despite the absence of all those we expected to support us, we won that election, convincingly. That is how it should be. That is why I keep begging Governor Wike not to be found wanting on a day you are needed most. Whether he likes PDP or not, the party has done very well for him, just as he’s has done very well for PDP. Governor Makinde has an election, next year, you think he will destroy the PDP and still use the platform? He won’t do that.
He is a smart gentle man that I know reasonably well; even though they are very angry, I know they are forming a very powerful bloc, but trust me PDP is so big that it can’t be threatened because our governors are angry. PDP will not go into any fight for anything whatsoever. We will continue to appeal to them, we love them like a man would love members of his family and we are hoping that very soon, we will be able to put everything behind us and embrace one another, again.
A lot of people attribute Nigeria’s current situation to non-inclusion and marginalization and you are saying that politics is a game of numbers. So, you are saying that another northerner should succeed President Buhari for another four or eight years?
Nothing is impossible. I am a very frank person. I am just giving you an example of America, we have the same style of democracy. If it took America over 200 years to produce Obama, it can happen anywhere else in the world. People must work. Sunak just became the British Prime Minister, he didn’t do it by sentiments; he did it by working towards his goal, by reaching out to everyone. Nobody can hand over power to the South free of charge. For instance, when former President Jonathan wanted to contest the 2011 election, a lot of people opposed it. Did he not eventually contest? He did. When he came out for second term, people opposed it again, PDP allowed him. We don’t have the issue of marginalization in PDP.
You referred to the British situation of Sunak. That cannot apply because they operate a different system. They go into election because it was the mandate of the party from the 2019 election. Your party has a constitution that provides for rotation and balance. You have it cast in stone.
We don’t have it cast in stone. As a matter of fact, it was this same Governor Ortom who sat on the panel to look at the issue of whether we should zone or not. Some of us even kicked at that time, asking why he allowed aspirants to buy form before their meeting on the issue. They recommended to the NEC of the party which asked to have favourable competition in the party, “let us throw it open”. No governor opposed it at that stage. Trouble only started after those who thought they would win lost. There was never a time that…if I didn’t believe in it when they set aside the zoning, I will not contest.
Do you think Atiku will win this election?
Oh…his time has come. Every man has his time. By God’s grace, his time has come. He has paid his dues and has conducted himself well. He has gone through trials and tribulations, they have thrown dirty things at him and he has remained focused. In fact, his story will be one of the biggest stories in Africa; of a man who pursued his dream and on the 30th anniversary of June 12, on the 25th anniversary of the late Chief Abiola’s death, that he will be President. He stepped down for the late MKO in the 1993 Jos Convention. I was there, barely 33 years old at that time and, today, I am honoured that, after working for the late Chief, nearly 30 years after, I am here and we are about to crown the man who gave my adopted father that opportunity to get a ticket
You think he can beat the likes of Peter Obi and Bola Tinubu?
Oh! Let’s be fair. I won’t write off anybody but I have stated it historically and maybe I won’t be right but I am right. There is no way you will have two strong southern candidates like we have now and anyone of them wins and Atiku is the only one who can penetrate the South more readily than either of the two penetrating the North.
What about the permutation that most of the votes from the South that will go for Peter Obi were traditionally for your party?
Peter Obi is not Goodluck Jonathan, and Atiku Abubakar is not former President Jonathan; the most formidable force who has always had his network in PDM with the late General Yar’ Adua is Atiku. None of the other people ever built such network in the North, now they are struggling to catch up in the next four months. The ready-made President of Nigeria is Atiku Abubakar.
If Atiku does not win this time, that will be the very end…
If Tinubu does not win this time around, that will be the very end. That is not new but I am telling you that…
Will you be surprised if Atiku does not win?
There is nothing that can stop him this time. A man if his time has come…
What if voters don’t want him?
Who are the voters? The voters are from every part…I am telling you he is the only one who has been the bridge builder. He is the only one who has been able to cross to the South, the others are struggling to build up network in the North.
You see the kind of crowd that Bola Tinubu is commanding in the North in some of the rallies and the ones Peter Obi is getting. Is it not enough threat for the party?
Have you seen the level of crowd Atiku is pulling without having a rally? In Bauchi State, the sea of human beings, I couldn’t believe it. We were in Edo, we have been to Uyo. The only man today who readily cuts across every part of the country is Atiku Abubakar. Hate him or love him, you can’t take that away from him.
You said that when two strong southern candidates are contesting, there is always a problem, historically. What about Atiku and Senator Kwankwaso, both from the North?
I didn’t forget Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso. He is a man I love and respect. We have come way back and I am telling you, the North understands the game of power. Whether we want to accept that power or not, that is the truth. In the South, I have told you how difficult it is for us, even as aspirants, to work together.
In the North, if the decision is that Atiku is favoured to win ahead of Kwankwaso, the North will converge and give it to Atiku. That is what is going to happen. I know it for a fact. Why do you think our Director General, Governor Tamubwal, stepped down for Atiku? It was a game of numbers, that was the master stroke which a lot of people did not see coming.
In fact, that was why the governors are very angry because they didn’t see it, coming. But a few of us saw it coming. As far back as March, I had written Governor Wike, telling him precisely what was going to happen, I copied Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, former Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Adoke, SAN, telling them how the thing would flow.
Two weeks to the primary, I wrote in my column, I asked Governor Wike not to spend money hoping that he will carry the day at the convention. Two days later, he dismissed me in a television program. People called me to complain but I told them that Wike is my man. He is our best governor; no matter what he says, I will take it; if he slaps me on the right cheek, I will turn the right but, today, I am right and they were wrong
• Interview first aired on Channels TV Politics Today
Politics
Bourdex And The Politics Of Borrowed Influence

Ogbonnaya James
Zero empowerment. Zero political portfolio. Zero demonstrable political prowess. Zero independent political structure.
These are legitimate questions that deserve careful consideration when assessing Bourdex’s political aspiration and readiness for the Senate.
Politics is not merely about belonging to a political party or benefiting from the popularity of a sitting Governor. Effective political leadership should be measured by personal achievements, grassroots mobilisation, empowerment, experience, political networks, leadership capacity and the ability to influence outcomes independently.
The concern, therefore, is whether Bourdex has built sufficient independent political capital and structure to justify the aspiration, or whether his emergence is largely dependent on party influence and the political wave surrounding the Governor.
There is absolutely nothing wrong with receiving the support of a political party or enjoying the goodwill of a popular Governor. However, political support should complement an already established political capacity; it should not become the foundation of a candidate’s entire political relevance.
The questions before the electorate are therefore straightforward:
What has Bourdex built politically on his own? Who has he empowered? What independent political structure has he established? What is his political portfolio? And what demonstrable experience and capacity does he possess to provide effective representation at the national level?
These questions are not personal attacks; they are legitimate questions of leadership capacity, preparedness and political accountability that every serious aspirant should be willing to answer.
*ABIA NORTH DESERVES A SENATOR LIKE OUK WITH NATIONAL INFLUENCE.*
Abia North deserves a Senator whose political influence is not borrowed or dependent entirely on the strength of another politician, but built through years of political experience, national relationships, grassroots engagement and proven leadership.
This is where the candidature of OUK presents a compelling contrast. Abia North needs a Senator with the experience and national political network to command respect, open doors, influence important decisions and effectively advance the interests of the constituency at the highest level of government.
Political support is important, but effective representation requires more than party backing or electoral popularity. It requires competence, experience, political reach, negotiation capacity and the ability to convert influence into meaningful opportunities for the people.
Abia North deserves more than political packaging. It deserves substance, competence, experience, influence and proven capacity.
Come 2027, voters should look beyond political waves and examine the substance behind every aspiration. The choice should be between earned political influence and borrowed political influence; between proven capacity and political dependence; between experience and mere political positioning.
A political wave may help a candidate during an election, but only competence, experience, independent political capacity and genuine influence can sustain effective representation.
Abia North deserves leadership with substance. Abia North deserves a Senator with national influence. *Abia North deserves a Senator like OUK.*
Politics
2027: Okechukwu says Atiku’s desperation to win pushes ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance

A foundation member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mr Osita Okechukwu, says former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to win the 2027 Presidential Election has pushed his recent ‘retain fuel subsidy’ stance.
Okechukwu, a former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), in a statement on Sunday in Enugu, described the promise as “medicine after death”, born out of desperation to win the forthcoming Presidential Election.
He noted that no patriot would doubt that bad economic policies harm liberal democracy and that removal of fuel subsidy, like virtually every other component of Nigeria’s four-decade-old neoliberal economic experiment, had unintended and painful consequences for Nigerians.
Okechukwu said that among the consequences are: erosion of living standards, severe pressure on small and medium-scale enterprises, rising unemployment, slide of more than 100 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty, and worsening insecurity crisis, especially kidnapping.
“One is at a loss how His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, who was not only on the same page with President Bola Tinubu in 2022 that removal of fuel subsidy was inevitable.
“But was also a kingpin in the first phase implementation of the Fourth Republic’s neoliberal economic policies, can now present himself as the champion of fuel subsidy retention?
“Among those policies which he superintendent were fuel subsidy removal and the privatisation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which have produced outcomes that impacted adversely on Nigerians and had retarded our economic growth,” he said.
Going further, Okechukwu said that on Atiku promise to retain fuel subsidy as we approach 2027 Presidential Election, ‘may I ask – what has changed?
According to him, is this not sheer opportunism and simply an electoral promise designed to exploit the hardship Nigerians are experiencing today?
Okechukwu described Atiku’s latest stance as “the height of political desperation and inconsistency.”
He observed that Atiku’s decision to deliver the the message through Hausa Service channel is more or less a smart ploy he assumed would resonate with voters in Northern Nigeria.
“Perhaps Atiku assumes that the Northern electorate will readily buy-in the kite he is flying?
Permit me to remind him that Northern electorate are one of the most politically sophisticated electorates in our dear country.
“Atiku is neither Buhari in the minds of Northern electorates, nor Mai Gasikiya.
“It is with nostalgia that one paraphrased the words on marble of 2nd Republic President, His Excellency Shehu Shagari that, “only Malam Aminu Kano and President Buhari had political cult followership in Northern Nigeria,” he said.
According to him, Nigerians are anxiously waiting for well-digested and articulated line-by-line solutions on how best to lift millions out of poverty.
“How best to cap corruption that seems to be growing wings and contain palpable insecurity, not copy paste last-minute populist manifesto designed principally to win votes,” he said.
Okechukwu said Nigerians are no longer demanding political campaign motivated fuel subsidy removal but strict observance of Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which established Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation; the embedded and pragmatic market forces enabler designed to reduce fuel price.
He stressed that the legitimate solution to reduction of fuel pump price remained constant supply of crude oil to Dangote and other local refineries in naira, in line with the PIA, hence to enable the companies to compete unhindered.
Politics
2027: Mbah’s Second Term: A Smooth Ride or Tough Battle?

By PETRUS OBI
Years ago, an opposition governorship candidate seeking to unseat the then Governor of Enugu State, Sullivan Chime, addressed a press conference in Enugu. He devoted considerable attention to questioning the quality of roads being constructed by the government, the cost per kilometre and alleged breaches of due process.
It was a period when residents of Enugu were stunned by the sheer number of roads being executed across the state.
At one point, a journalist stood up and advised the candidate not to make the government’s road projects the centrepiece of his criticism, warning that such an approach could ultimately backfire.
Today, the current crop of opposition politicians appears to have learned that lesson early. At a time when Enugu has once again been turned into a massive construction site, would they need another journalist to redirect their narrative?
Governor Peter Mbah enters the 2027 governorship contest with perhaps one of the strongest political advantages enjoyed by an incumbent in Enugu in recent years. His advantage rests not only on political realignment and party structure, but also on visible projects and what appears to be a divided opposition.
Mbah controls the machinery of government and has spent more than three years building a record that is likely to form the centrepiece of his re-election campaign.
His administration has placed considerable emphasis on infrastructure, education, agriculture, healthcare and urban renewal. Projects such as the International Conference Centre, the rehabilitation of Hotel Presidential, the Smart Schools programme, road construction and agricultural investments across the state have given the administration tangible projects to point to.
Mbah has, therefore, made it more difficult for the opposition to sustain a purely negative campaign, limiting much of its criticism to the emerging “No Tax” slogan.
Yet the government argues that taxes are not collected for their own sake, but to fund public services and infrastructure.
The Mbah administration has maintained that its tax reforms are aimed at broadening the state’s revenue base, improving efficiency in collection and reducing leakages rather than imposing arbitrary burdens on residents. The government’s position is that a modern state cannot depend solely on federal allocations if it wants to sustain ambitious investments in infrastructure and public services.
More importantly, the government points to what it says residents are getting in return for the revenue being generated.
That is where the “No Tax” campaign becomes politically complicated for the opposition. Since the debate is reduced to taxation alone, Mbah has redirected it to a broader question: if taxes are abolished or substantially reduced, how would an incoming administration fund the roads, schools, healthcare facilities, agricultural programmes and other projects voters have come to expect?
The opposition has so far failed to explain in concrete terms how it would replace the revenue without compromising the projects and services residents demand.
Mbah, on the other hand, is putting up the argument about performance.
He is not necessarily asking voters to imagine what he intends to do. He is asking them to look around and judge what his administration has already done.
That places the opposition in a difficult position. Attacking projects that are visible to voters carries the same risk the journalist identified years ago during the Sullivan Chime era: criticism can become counterproductive when the people being persuaded can see the projects for themselves.
The real test for the opposition in 2027, therefore, may not be how loudly it says “No Tax”, but whether it can present a compelling alternative to the government’s broader development agenda.
In politics, slogans can attract attention. But when voters begin comparing records, plans and results, slogans alone may not be enough.
Mbah’s defection from the PDP to the APC was arguably the biggest political development in Enugu since the 2023 election. The move brought significant political actors and structures with him and ended the PDP’s long-standing dominance of the state.
That gives Mbah something that challengers cannot easily replicate: access to both the state political structure and the governing party at the federal level.
The 2027 contest will not be fought entirely on Enugu issues. The relationship between the state government and the Federal Government could become an important campaign argument.
Mbah’s supporters can present the APC alignment as an opportunity for Enugu to have a stronger relationship with Abuja and attract more federal attention and resources.
There are already signs of a coordinated Tinubu-Mbah political structure. Enugu East stakeholders endorsed both men in June 2026 and announced a ₦300 million contribution towards Mbah’s re-election campaign.
Mbah also appears to be building support across the senatorial zones.
Perhaps more significant than individual endorsements is the geographical spread of the support being reported. Political stakeholders in Enugu West have also endorsed Mbah for a second term and backed his nomination bid.
With the governor maintaining broad support across Enugu East, Enugu North and Enugu West, he is in a considerably stronger position than a candidate whose support is concentrated in one political bloc.
More so, a disjointed opposition could ultimately be more advantageous to Mbah than even his own strengths.
The 2023 election demonstrated how competitive Enugu politics can become when opposition votes consolidate. Mbah won by a relatively narrow margin over Labour Party’s Chijioke Edeoga, with the final figures putting Mbah at about 45 per cent and Edeoga at about 44 per cent.
But the current political landscape appears different. The opposition is facing internal divisions and competing political interests, while Mbah has been consolidating his own structure.
Politics in Enugu has traditionally been heavily influenced by party structures, political networks and zoning. But Mbah appears determined to make performance the central argument for his second term.
That strategy is potentially powerful because voters can evaluate roads, schools, hospitals, agricultural programmes, urban projects and other government interventions rather than simply listening to campaign promises.
The more projects that are completed before 2027, the more difficult it becomes for an opponent to campaign.
Mbah appears to have the advantage. He has incumbency, a growing political structure, the backing of the APC machinery and a record of projects that stands out across the country.
If the current political circumstances persist, the 2027 governorship election could see Peter Mbah entering the contest not merely as the incumbent, but as the clear favourite for a second term.
He may, indeed, be heading for what could be described as a relatively smooth ride to another four years in Government House.
Politics
2027: Wike Explains Why He Rejected Tinubu’s Campaign DG Role, Says ‘I Don’t Want to Lose My States’

Wike spoke on Saturday after inspecting the Apo-Karshi and Kubwa-Bwari roads in Abuja, a day after the Presidency announced the composition of the APC Presidential Campaign Council and named former Zamfara State Governor, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, as its Director-General.
Asked whether he would have wanted to be part of the council, Wike recalled previous campaign DGs who lost their states while campaigning for their presidential candidates.
According to Vanguard, Wike said, “In 2015, the Minister of Transport was the governor of Rivers State.
“He was the DG of Muhammadu Buhari. Before you knew, I pulled the carpet off his feet. He lost. He didn’t get 25 percent.
“In 2019, he was Minister of Transport, he became the DG, and he lost his state too. Bukola Saraki was the DG of Atiku campaign in 2019. He was running around doing ‘Atikulated’.
“I called him, ‘Why are you doing Atikulated? Go home!’ He lost his state! Lost his own seat, too! In 2023, Aminu Tambuwal became DG of Atiku. He lost his state!
“In the same 2023, Lalong was the DG of APC, the present president. He lost his state!”
Wike said he was not prepared to join the list, adding that his priority was to deliver the Federal Capital Territory and Rivers State rather than occupy a campaign position.
“I don’t want to lose my state! I will be in my state. I have two states: FCT and Rivers. What is important is that you are able to deliver those two states. So it is not about being DG.
“If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG?” he queried.
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‘I am not a member of APC’
Wike also cited his non-membership of the APC as another reason he could not have headed the council, while maintaining that he would continue to support Tinubu’s re-election.
“I am not a member of APC. So the issue of their Presidential Campaign Council is out of the question.
“When we were fighting for the President to be president in 2023, we were not members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, but we were fighting.
Wike said his support for Tinubu’s re-election would instead operate through a cross-party “Rainbow Coalition” involving politicians backing the President in their respective states while remaining members of their political parties.
“Mind you, when we formed the Rainbow Coalition, so many parties were coming together, working together in some states to make sure that the President wins,” he said.
Wike also argued that political relevance should be judged by electoral results rather than campaign titles, saying the performance of different states would become clear after the 2027 elections.
“Nobody should use that as a yardstick to judge who will be the governor of any state. I think there is only one state that is clear that will produce a governor. It is my state. It is very clear.
“The other ones, we don’t know what will happen,” he said.
The Presidency on Saturday announced the composition of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 election, with former Zamfara State Governor and serving Senator Abdulaziz Yari appointed as Director-General.
Yari subsequently accepted the appointment, pledging to begin work immediately and lead the campaign with discipline, unity and respect for Nigerians.
Politics
Umahi’s New APC Campaign Role: A Strategic Asset For Tinubu’s 2027 Victory

By Emma Igwe
Competence, Mobilisation and Political Networking Put Ebonyi’s Former Governor at the Heart of the 2027 Presidential Campaign
The appointment of the Honourable Minister of Works, Senator Engr. David Umahi, CON, as Deputy Director-General in charge of Infrastructure, Mobilisation and Sensitisation of the 2027 APC Presidential Campaign Council is more than a political honour. It is a recognition of the strategic value that his experience, organisational ability, political network and capacity for grassroots mobilisation can bring to the campaign of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
For Umahi, the assignment places him at a critical intersection between infrastructure, political communication and electoral mobilisation. These are three areas that could significantly shape the APC’s efforts as the country moves towards the 2027 presidential election.
His greatest asset may not simply be the office he occupies as Minister of Works, but the network he has built over decades in Nigerian politics.
As a former governor of Ebonyi State, former senator and now a federal minister responsible for one of the most visible sectors of government, Umahi has interacted with political leaders, traditional rulers, contractors, professional groups, community leaders and ordinary citizens across different parts of the country.
That network could become an important instrument for the APC presidential campaign.
A MOBILISER WITH GRASSROOTS EXPERIENCE
Successful presidential campaigns are rarely won through media appearances alone. They require structures capable of translating national political messages into local conversations.
This is where Umahi’s political experience becomes particularly relevant.
He understands the dynamics of grassroots politics, particularly in the South-East, where political mobilisation requires sustained engagement with communities, traditional institutions, youth groups, women organisations, professional associations and other stakeholders.
His experience in Ebonyi politics has given him an understanding of how political structures are built from the ward level upwards.
As Deputy Director-General for Mobilisation and Sensitisation, he will therefore have an opportunity to deploy that experience beyond Ebonyi and the South-East.
The assignment requires someone capable of moving between the political leadership and the grassroots. Umahi’s career places him in a strong position to perform that bridge-building role.
HIS INFRASTRUCTURE PORTFOLIO GIVES HIM A UNIQUE ADVANTAGE
Perhaps the most interesting dimension of his new assignment is the combination of Infrastructure with Mobilisation and Sensitisation.
Infrastructure is one of the most tangible ways citizens experience government.
Roads, bridges, federal highways and other public works are not abstract political promises. They affect transportation, commerce, agriculture, employment and the daily movement of Nigerians.
As Works Minister, Umahi is positioned to communicate the administration’s infrastructure agenda directly to the people.
His campaign responsibility could therefore involve explaining not merely what the administration intends to do, but what it has done, what is ongoing and how those interventions are expected to affect different regions and communities.
This could give the APC campaign a powerful narrative: connecting government infrastructure policies with the everyday experiences of citizens.
THE SOUTH-EAST DIMENSION
Umahi’s role could be particularly significant in the South-East.
The region has historically been a difficult political terrain for the APC at the presidential level. Any serious attempt to expand the party’s electoral footprint there requires more than conventional campaign rallies.
It requires credible interlocutors, sustained engagement and political figures who understand the region’s complex political and socio-cultural environment.
Umahi’s presence within the presidential campaign structure gives the APC one of its most experienced political actors from the South-East a prominent role in that engagement.
His ability to interact with political stakeholders across party and regional lines could become an important asset as the APC seeks to consolidate its support and persuade undecided voters.
NETWORKING: THE POWER BEHIND THE ASSIGNMENT
Politics is ultimately about people.
A campaign may have money, media visibility and sophisticated communication strategies, but electoral success still depends heavily on relationships and organisation.
Umahi’s political network extends beyond his immediate constituency. His years in public service have placed him in contact with governors, legislators, ministers, businessmen, traditional rulers, community leaders and political organisers.
The challenge before him will be to transform that network into an effective campaign infrastructure.
If properly coordinated, his assignment could help the APC strengthen communication between the national campaign structure and political actors at the state, local government, ward and community levels.
FROM PROJECT DELIVERY TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
There is also a symbolic dimension to the appointment.
Umahi’s career has increasingly been associated with infrastructure and project delivery. His movement from state-level leadership into the federal Works Ministry has placed him at the centre of some of the country’s most consequential infrastructure discussions.
Now, that technical and administrative experience is being incorporated into the political campaign.
The message is significant: infrastructure is not only a development issue; it is also part of the political conversation.
The APC will need to convince Nigerians that its development agenda under President Tinubu is producing measurable results. Umahi, given his portfolio and public profile, can become one of the campaign’s key voices in presenting that argument.
THE BIGGER CHALLENGE
But a major appointment also comes with a major responsibility.
Umahi’s reputation for political organisation will now be tested on a national scale. The 2027 election will require the APC to coordinate its national message while simultaneously addressing the different concerns of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones.
He will have to help build bridges between the party’s national leadership and grassroots structures, communicate the administration’s achievements effectively, respond to criticisms and help mobilise support across constituencies.
The task is therefore considerably bigger than attending campaign events.
It is about building confidence, expanding political networks and converting political goodwill into an organised electoral structure.
A STRATEGIC ROLE FOR A STRATEGIC CAMPAIGN
President Tinubu’s re-election bid will inevitably be fought on several fronts: performance, economy, security, infrastructure, regional representation, political organisation and public perception.
Umahi’s new responsibility places him directly within one of the most important components of that contest—mobilisation.
His organisational capacity, grassroots experience, infrastructure portfolio and extensive political relationships could make him a significant asset to the APC presidential campaign.
For a politician who has moved from the grassroots to the Senate, from the Ebonyi State Government House to the federal cabinet, and now into a senior position within the presidential campaign structure, the new assignment represents another stage in an evolving political career.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly be challenging.
But with Umahi occupying a strategic position responsible for infrastructure, mobilisation and sensitisation, the APC has placed one of its experienced political organisers at a crucial point in the machinery of its presidential campaign.
It is a big job—and an even bigger responsibility. But if his political network, organisational ability and grassroots mobilisation capacity are effectively deployed, David Umahi could become one of the important strategic figures helping to shape the APC’s pathway to victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.
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