Politics
Abia Still in Bondage: ‘Egyptian’ Leadership Thrives in the Promised Land
There is, in truth, no fundamental difference between the so-called “Old Abia” and the “New Abia,” except that those who parade themselves as the new Abia are far more sophisticated in packaging, optics, and sustaining propaganda. Beneath the glossy narratives lies the same familiar rot.
If anything, the current administration is performing worse, only that it has mastered the art of concealment, especially in the optics of governance. I recall vividly in 2022 when APC stakeholders convened all governorship aspirants at Senator Adieje’s residence in Asokoro for presentations aimed at screening and streamlining the field. The aspirants present at that meeting were Alex Otti, Uche Ogah, Paul Ikonne, Emeka Atuma, and myself.
At that gathering, I shared with fellow aspirants an extract from Abia State’s budget performance report, which revealed that the Ikpeazu administration spent approximately ₦1.2 billion on private jets, ticketing and travels Many of us were genuinely disappointed. We believed that reliance on commercial flights would have saved Abians millions, funds that could have been channelled into real development.
Fast-forward to today, the Abia State Government has reportedly spent over ₦18 billion on private jet services and travels. The only difference now is an internal rule barring officials from taking pictures that expose their movements by private jet. In the past, officials proudly posed with pilots to showcase their luxury travels. As one of our revered leaders, Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe, once said, the more things change, the more they remain the same.
Ironically, credit must be given where it is due. Thanks to the institutional reforms of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Abia’s combined state and local government revenue has risen astronomically, from about ₦8 billion to a staggering ₦60 billion monthly, as reflected in the Q4 2025 Abia State Budget Performance Report (October to December).
It therefore follows logically that if Alex Otti had assumed office in 2015, when total revenue stood at a paltry ₦3.6 billion, his administration, judging by current financial recklessness, would have performed far worse than previous governments.
This raises a fundamental question. Despite receiving about ₦60 billion monthly, why has the Otti government refused to fully implement the ₦70,000 new minimum wage? If not for sheer wickedness, why would a government fully aware of the economic hardship caused by ongoing reforms deliberately deny workers their lawful wages?
A Government elected on the Labour Party platform, one that ought to champion workers’ welfare, has shockingly turned around to shortchange its own workforce.
While APC and Mr. President bears the brunt of public anger arising from these tough reforms. Governors conveniently take credit for the gains, particularly in Abia. As far back as August 2025, I raised alarm over the injustice at Abia State University Teaching Hospital (ABSUTH), where junior staff earned as little as ₦29,000 monthly, while newly recruited nurses were paid ₦80,000. Meanwhile, their counterparts in Imo State earn up to ₦300,000 despite facing equal or greater occupational hazards.
The public exposure of this scandal embarrassed the Abia State Government into action. A memo for upward review was hurriedly raised, and within days the institution’s management worked round the clock to implement the ₦70,000 minimum wage, still far below what other states now pay, ₦90,000, ₦104,000, and above.
More recently, I discovered that road sweepers engaged by the Abia State Government (Abia state environmental protection agency)earn a miserable ₦23,000 monthly, while their supervisors earn ₦47,000. Staff of the Abia State Advertising Agency reportedly earn ₦55,000. To be clear, environmental sanitation is one area where this government has performed comparatively well. However, it borders on cruelty that road sweepers, mostly widows, widowers, and orphans, are subjected to such degrading wages, often unpaid promptly, despite the health risks involved. Their counterparts in Enugu State earn ₦80,000, while supervisors earn ₦120,000.
How does the Otti government expect Abia sweepers to survive on ₦23,000 in today’s Nigeria? Are they not employees of the state or its agents? How can a government claim to be fighting poverty while institutionalizing starvation wages?
During a particular National Economic council (NEC)meeting last year 2025, though chaired by the Vice President, the President , Sen Ahmed Tinubu, attended in person simply to tell the Governors to water the grassroots. This means cascade these huge funds at their disposal to the poorest of the poor in their various States.
It is estimated that the total monthly wage bill of Abia State and its local governments does not exceed ₦10 billion. What, then, is being done with the remaining ₦50 billion monthly revenue?
I still cannot comprehend why this Government finds it so difficult to improve the welfare of workers and pensioners. Their constant excuse is inherited arrears, yet they boast of paying salaries on the 28th of every month, as though prompt payment of inadequate wages is a favour. This is happening even as federal allocations have increased significantly.
The painful truth remains. Had this administration governed Abia in 2015 with only ₦3.6 billion monthly revenue, the outcome would have been catastrophic.
The “Egyptians” may well be laughing at us. Nothing substantial has changed, except the reported ₦560 million monthly spent on skit makers to manufacture an imaginary Abia adorned with painted roads. Workers and pensioners denied gratuities may even remember their days in “Egypt” with nostalgia. They were owed, yes, but once paid, the money still meant something.
To date, arrears remain unpaid at Abia Polytechnic, Ogbonnaya Onu Polytechnic. ABSU lecturers were paid only fractions of their outstanding salaries, labelled as full and final settlement. Today, a professor at Abia State University earns about ₦520,000 monthly, while counterparts in sister state universities earn up to ₦1.2 million. Many professors in Abia State University are effectively paid on senior lecturers’ scales elsewhere, not even reader level.
This reality explains the pervasive hunger in Abia, even among workers. The Government shut down informal survival channels under the TSA regime, which previously helped families cope even when owed for months.
The administration campaigned on prompt salary payments and improved welfare to increase the velocity of money in Abia State. Yet that velocity remains elusive when 99 percent of contractors in Abia are non-Abians with no offices in the state. The money leaves Abia almost as soon as it arrives, fueling hunger despite ₦60 billion monthly revenue.
And on the The Poor Quality of Work on the Umuikaa–Owerrinta 4km Road; Last week, I visited my village and observed the slow and substandard pace of work on the Umuikaa–Owerrinta Truck A federal road being undertaken by Abia State Government. Meanwhile, Arab Contractors, handling the Imo bridge to Imo Airport junction, is delivering far superior quality.
The rush to commence this 4km stretch appears linked to the ₦15 billion claimed as compensation in Abia State’s 2024 financial report. My late father’s house was demolished, and I had no objection, believing it served development. However, I was shocked to receive just ₦1 million as compensation from the ₦15 billion claimed.
We conducted independent inquiries among affected homeowners from Umuikaa to Owerrinta bridge. Our findings showed that only about ₦230 million was paid to actual beneficiaries of those house owners along that corridor out of the ₦15 billion claimed as compensation in 2024.
I still wonder why a government that swiftly paid ₦15 billion in compensation in 2024 and ₦14.5 billion for land and housing in 2025, though many land owners complained about non receipts of payments till date cannot adequately fund a major road project. Dangote cement trailers were seen manually discharging chippings, with young boys using shovels to spread them, an appalling sight for a Trunk A road. ( pictures attached)
Why engage a local contractor for such a critical road or even use direct labour while contract sums remain shrouded in secrecy? It would have been far better to allow Arab Contractors to handle the project. Even the drainage near the bridge was manually excavated.
The real difference between Egypt and this supposed Canaan is that, before, funds were allegedly used to maintain key stakeholders beyond being used to run the Government. Today, one individual allegedly pockets everything while telling supporters, “we dont share money ” Who is deceiving who.
As Phyno sang, you cannot counsel a rigid leader. But Ekwedike will continue to hold this government accountable. The days ahead promise to be very revealing.
On a lighter note, I watched Abia State Executive Council members excitedly take photos of Enugu State’s 360-room Marriott Hotel project during the South East Development Commission stakeholders’ meeting last week. I laughed in Swahili. Back home, Enyimba Hotel remains a 3D drawing after four announced take-off dates.
The penchant for the media aides of the Governor to use exchange rate as an excuse why they are yet to have any legacy project in Abia after three years is laughable. Gov Hope Uzodinma just commissioned 15MVA Orashi Power on record time using the same Nigerian Naira without noise and kit makers.
It was refreshing to see them step out of Umuahia and witness governance in another state beyond audio promises and endless MOUs.
Obinna Oriaku
Former Commissioner for Finance Abia State 2015 to 2019.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
No fewer than 10 state governors and former governors are actively working to replace incumbent senators ahead of the 2027 general elections, in what appears to be a sweeping political realignment reshaping Nigeria’s legislative landscape.
The sitting governors, whose tenure will expire by May 2027, are leveraging their control of party structures in their states to secure Senate tickets—largely through “consensus” arrangements.
At least 12 of Nigeria’s 36 incumbent governors are currently serving their second and final terms. Of that number, 10 will complete their constitutionally mandated eight years on May 29, 2027, setting the stage for a high-stakes political transition that is already unsettling party structures nationwide.
Eight of the affected governors are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Seyi Makinde of Oyo State belongs to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), while Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State is affiliated with the Peoples Democratic Party, contrary to earlier claims linking him to the Allied Peoples Movement.
Governors expected to complete their tenure in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Muhammadu Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa and Hope Uzodimma of Imo will also finish their second terms, their exit dates fall in January and February 2028, respectively, due to off-cycle elections. However, their extended timelines have not excluded them from early succession and Senate calculations.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu, during a meeting with the leadership of the National Assembly, rebuffed lobbying efforts by lawmakers seeking automatic return tickets ahead of the 2027 elections. Instead, he reaffirmed the authority of state governors over candidate selection in their respective states.
Sources familiar with the meeting revealed that senators had approached the President to seek assurances for automatic tickets.
“The meeting was to plead for automatic tickets, but the President insisted that governors, as party leaders in their states, must have a decisive say on who gets the ticket,” a source disclosed.
Less than 24 hours later, Tinubu convened another meeting with APC governors, where he reportedly gave them a free hand to conduct party primaries in accordance with the Electoral Act—either through consensus or direct primaries.
Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago confirmed this, stating that the President had effectively empowered governors to drive the primaries process.
Investigations across several states—including Yobe, Nasarawa, Adamawa, Ogun, Gombe, Bauchi, Kwara, and Imo—indicate a growing pattern in which party stakeholders endorse governors or their preferred candidates as sole contenders. In many cases, rivals are pressured to step aside, while primaries are either avoided or reduced to mere formalities.
In Yobe State, Senator Musa Mustapha (Yobe East) stepped aside to support Governor Mai Mala Buni after a stakeholders’ meeting in Damaturu. He also withdrew from the governorship race, pledging full loyalty to party leadership decisions.
Similarly, in Gombe State, former governor and Senator Danjuma Goje lost his bid for a fifth term following a zoning arrangement favouring a candidate aligned with Governor Yahaya.
In Imo State, Governor Hope Uzodimma has been endorsed as the consensus candidate for Imo West, despite the interest of incumbent Senator Osita Izunaso. The move has triggered tension, with former governor Rochas Okorocha also entering the race.
In Ogun State, the consensus model has broken down into open conflict, as Governor Dapo Abiodun’s Senate ambition has put him at odds with incumbent Senator Gbenga Daniel.
In Adamawa, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri has emerged as the consensus candidate for Adamawa North, with the incumbent senator stepping aside in his favour.
Similar developments have been recorded in Nasarawa, Kwara, Delta, and Kogi states, where governors and former governors are positioning themselves to take over Senate seats—often displacing incumbents.
Meanwhile, in Cross River State, former governor Ben Ayade revealed he had been asked to drop his Senate ambition following high-level consultations, a decision he described as painful and unjust.
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