Politics
Budget ultimatum: Pro-Wike lawmakers rejects invitation to meet Fubara
The Martin Amaewhule-led Rivers State House of Assembly, on Sunday, asked Governor Siminalayi Fubara to channel his invitation to the members properly and not through social media.
The reaction followed the invitation to the Assembly to a meeting with the governor at the Government House, on Monday (today).
Fubara, through the Secretary to the State Government, Dr Tammy Danagogo, said the meeting, scheduled for 10 am, was expected to address key issues, including the provision of sitting space for the Assembly, payment of outstanding allowances, and the presentation of the 2025 budget.
The 27 lawmakers of the Rivers State House of Assembly loyal to the former governor, Nyesom Wike, may, however, reject the invitation except their condition is met by the governor.
One of the lawmakers, Isaiah Opuende who represents Akuku-Toru Constituency 2, blasted the governor for inviting the Assembly members via social media.
Opuende urged the governor to communicate with them appropriately, adding that it was surprising that Fubara would call them after he had told them at several fora to “dey their dey.”
He stated, “It is time for us to determine our dey. When the ‘dey your dey’ started, our principal said the time for our own ‘dey your dey’ will come. Now, our ‘dey your dey’ has come.
“Dey your dey make we dey our dey. How can you wire a letter and post it on social media and expect us to honour it? You know we are not kids. The governor should properly write to the Assembly. That’s all. Thank you.”
Similarly, some former local government chairmen who served during the tenure of Wike were also seen in a viral video, singing and mocking Fubara over the invitation extended to the Assembly members.
A former chairman of Ikwerre LG, Dr Samuel Nwanosike, with scores of other dancing and singing in a mocking manner, asked the governor not to disturb the Speaker, Amaewhule.
They sang repeatedly, “Dey your dey, make I dey my dey, dey your dey, nobody worry Amaewhule.”
Following the Supreme Court judgment affirming their legitimacy, the lawmakers, in their first sitting, urged Governor Siminalayi Fubara to present the 2025 budget. They also demanded that he submit nominees for commissioner and other appointments, insisting that those currently serving in the cabinet lacked legal backing.
Additionally, they summoned the chairman and commissioners of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission to appear before them on Monday.
However, the requests were ignored, as Commissioner for Information, Joseph Johnson, stated that the government was awaiting the Certified True Copy of the Supreme Court judgment before taking action.
The CTC was eventually released on Thursday evening and widely published in national dailies on Friday.
In a bid to establish a relationship and woo the lawmakers, the SSG, Danagogo, wrote a letter addressed to the Speaker, Amaewhule, on Sunday, titled, “Meeting between the Governor of the Rivers State and the Honourable Members of the Rivers State House of Assembly.”
Danagogo stated in the letter that the meeting became necessary following the governor’s receipt of the CTC of the Supreme Court judgment.
The letter said the discussion would centre on the provision of a space for the lawmakers to be sitting, presentation of the 2025 budget, among others.
The statement read, “I hereby write in furtherance of His Excellency’s promise stated in my letter dated 5 March 2025 to notify you that His Excellency has received the Supreme Court judgment, and has, therefore, directed me to invite you and your colleagues – the honourable members of Rivers State House of Assembly, to a meeting to discuss:
“Provision of a befitting space for the Assembly’s sittings, payment of all outstanding remuneration or allowances of the Honourable members;
“Presentation of budget and sundry matters. Any other matter(s), as may be necessary, to chart the way forward in the best interest of the state.
“Sequel to the above, I hereby humbly invite the Rt. Hon. Speaker, and all the members of the Rivers State House of Assembly to a meeting with the Governor as follows”
The invitation of the lawmakers by the governor came as the 72-hour ultimatum given to the RSIEC chairman to appear before the House expires today.
Amaewhule had, during plenary on Friday, said the Assembly had taken legislative notice of Fubara’s failure to forward names of his commissioner nominees to the House for screening.
Efforts to reach the Commissioner for Information and Communications, Johnson, failed as his mobile line was not connecting as of the time of filing this report.
APC hails invitation
The development was hailed by the Chief Tony Okocha-led All Progressives Congress and the Emeka Beke-led faction, loyal to former Minister of Transport, Rotimi Amaechi.
The Okocha faction, loyal to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, described Fubara’s invitation to the lawmakers as a welcome development.
The state Publicity Secretary of the party, Chibuike Ikenga, disclosed this during a telephone chat with our correspondent on Sunday.
Ikenga expressed the hope that the move would lead to a resolution of the crisis between the two arms of government in the state.
He stated, “Our position as a party is to the effect that whatever will bring lasting peace to Rivers State is what we support.
“That the Rivers State House of Assembly had written letters to the governor and the governor has also responded and the governor has written, inviting them as part of the follow-up of the earlier letter, we welcome all these processes and procedures that will lead to final resolution.”
Also, the Chief of Staff to the Beke-led APC, Chizi Entire, described the development as a win-win situation.
He commended the governor for keeping to his promise of implementing the Supreme Court judgment.
“The letter written by the governor to the Assembly shows that he is a man who believes in the rule of law and who can also maintain his stand and do what he says. This is the first move to ensure orderliness in the state. The governor sees that the people matter and not him.
“So making peace with the lawmakers is the best thing he can achieve for now. When it is achieved, I think the state will move forward.
“The Supreme Court has recognised the Martin Amaewhule-led House of Assembly and the governor does not have any option but to obey the judgment of the Supreme Court.
“It is a win-win. Nobody is a loser and nobody is a winner,” he said.
Ex-LG chairs
Former chairmen of Ijaw-dominated local government areas in Rivers State have condemned threats by non-state actors over the political crisis in the state.
Some groups had threatened to disrupt oil production and cause a crisis in the state if Fubara was impeached.
The former campaign coordinators for Fubara in their various local government areas called on the police, the Department of State Security and other security agencies to enforce the judgment of the Supreme Court in the interest of the people.
The former members of the Association of Local Government Nigeria said Fubara failed to take the opportunity offered to him by the presidential intervention to end the crisis.
The Ijaw leaders, who said they remained the substantive chairmen of their local government areas, following their aborted tenure extension, said they heaved a sigh of relief that the Supreme Court had ended the crisis.
“Unfortunately, our attention was drawn to both subtle and frontal threats to the government, instigated by some individuals and organisations, who ostensibly are beneficiaries of the crises.
“It’s even worse that they use the Ijaw identity to fuel the embers of violence and intimidation against the Federal Government.
“In this category are organisations such as the Ijaw National Congress and some renegades of the Ijaw Youth Council.
“These organisations stated publicly that the Ijaws will resort to violence against critical national oil infrastructure if Governor Fubara is impeached.
“This implies that these pro-Ijaw ethnic organisations have not read the Supreme Court judgment they so condemn,” the LG chairmen said.
The statement was signed by Daniel O. Daniel, Abua/Odual; Dr Rowland C. Sekibo, Akuku Toru; Dr Erastus C. Awortu, Andoni; Onengiye George, Asari Toru; Michael John Williams, Degema; Chief Vincent Nemioboka, Ogu Bolo; Akuro Tobin, Okrika; Tamunotonye Douglas, Vice-Chairman, Port Harcourt City and Ubile Jack, Vice-Chairman, Ahoada West.
They said: “We condemn those empty threats and urge the Federal Government and Nigerians to disregard such comments which project the Ijaws in a bad light.
“Moreso, it is a fact that these threats attack the sensitivity of people from other ethnic groups in Rivers State who also voted for Governor Siminalayi Fubara.
“We have also seen videos and press statements of supposed stakeholders, including Prof Benjamin Okaba, Alhaji Mujaheed Asari Dokubo threatening the energy security of the Nigerian state if attempts at implementation of the judgment lead to the impeachment of the governor.”
The ex-LG chairmen queried: “Did the judgment call for Fubara’s impeachment? The simple answer is no. Where were these persons who claimed to be fighting the so-called Ijaw fight when the governor truncated the tenure and seized the allocation of the LGAs including those of us who are fellow Ijaws?
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
The planned visit of the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, to Anambra State has sparked controversy following a protest by the state Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Emma Anosike, that the party was not informed about the visit.
Anosike said the APC in Anambra was never consulted or briefed about the proposed visit, adding that the party was taken aback by reports that the wife of the party’s national leader and presidential candidate, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would be visiting the state without recourse to the state chapter.
He said, “It is indeed strange that the First Lady of our presidential candidate is visiting Anambra State without recourse to the party in the state.
“The party wishes to state categorically that we are not part of the arrangements for the reception of our First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, because the party was never put in the picture.”
Anosike also dismissed the mantra that “The Progressives Are Working Together”, being canvassed by the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), describing it as a smokescreen by the ruling party in Anambra to hijack President Tinubu’s re-election from the APC.
He said, “For instance, the APGA-led government in Anambra State did not interface with us on the organisation of the visit, and the party wonders if the progressives are indeed working together.”
The APC chairman, however, said the development would not compromise the First Lady’s visit, urging all APC members and supporters in the state to turn out and give Senator Oluremi Tinubu a warm welcome.
He stressed that despite the party’s reservations over the arrangements, APC members remained committed to welcoming the First Lady to Anambra State.
Former Deputy Governor of Bauchi State, Sagir Saleh, has resigned his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Saleh, who served as deputy governor under former Governor Isa Yuguda, announced his resignation in a letter submitted to the party leadership in Katagum Local Government Area.
He cited personal reasons for his decision but did not provide further details.
His exit comes amid growing disagreements within the Bauchi APC following the party’s 2027 governorship primary. Other prominent members, including former governorship aspirant Bala Jibrin and Sunusi Kunde, an associate of Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Ali Pate, have also reportedly left the party.
Jibrin, a former National Auditor of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), resigned on August 31, 2026, following his opposition to the emergence of former Bauchi Governor Muhammad Abubakar as the APC’s 2027 governorship candidate.
He had criticised the primary process and questioned how the candidate emerged.
Kunde also resigned from the APC in August, submitting his resignation to the party chairman of Beti Ward in Misau Local Government Area.
The latest departures are coming as efforts continue to resolve internal disputes and disagreements among APC members in the state.
The Leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Elijah Ayodele, has raised the alarm over an alleged plot to assassinate former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar ahead of the 2027 general election.
Ayodele issued the warning in a video shared on his verified X account on Sunday, urging both opposition figures to strengthen their security and remain vigilant.
The cleric did not identify those allegedly behind the purported plot but claimed that attempts were being made to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
According to him, divine intervention would prevent the alleged plan from succeeding.
“Obi and Atiku, be very conscious of your security. They are looking for any means to eliminate Obi and Atiku.
“But God will never allow it to happen. Watch out and be cautious about your security,” he said.
Ayodele also urged President Bola Tinubu to reconsider travelling to the United States, alleging that there were forces in America working against his political fortunes.
The claims come as political activities and realignments intensify ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.
Why the Igbo Must Choose Political Strategy Over Emotional Politics
By Emma Igwe
There comes a moment in the political history of every people when sentiment must give way to strategy.
For the South-East, 2027 may be that moment.
The question before the Igbo nation is not whether an Igbo man should one day become President of Nigeria. Of course he should. The question is whether the Igbo people are prepared to do the difficult political calculations required to make that aspiration a reality.
And that is where the 2027 presidential election becomes more than a contest between political parties.
It becomes a referendum on the political intelligence of the South-East.
Will the region continue to vote primarily to satisfy ethnic emotions and demonstrate loyalty to its own?
Or will it begin to think several political moves ahead—like a chess player who understands that sometimes the best way to capture the king is to first control the board?
THE HARD TRUTH THE SOUTH-EAST MUST CONFRONT
Peter Obi has demonstrated something remarkable.
He has shown that an Igbo politician can generate extraordinary enthusiasm among millions of Nigerians, particularly young people. His political movement has changed the conversation about presidential politics and created a new generation of politically conscious voters.
But enthusiasm is not the same thing as electoral mathematics.
The South-East must ask a difficult question:
Can regional popularity, without a sufficiently broad and durable national coalition, deliver the presidency?
That question is not an attack on Obi.
It is the central question of Nigerian politics.
The same principle applies to Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His influence in Kano and parts of the North is considerable. Historically, Mallam Aminu Kano demonstrated how powerful regional political mobilisation could become.
But regional strength alone has never been enough to guarantee the Nigerian presidency.
Nigeria is a federation of competing interests.
The presidency is won by coalition.
And the Igbo must learn to build coalitions without surrendering their identity.
AZIKIWE, EKWUEME AND THE POLITICS OF REALISM
History provides the South-East with a political textbook.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was one of Nigeria’s most influential nationalist leaders. Yet his enormous stature and regional influence did not automatically translate into the presidency.
Alex Ekwueme took a different route.
In the Second Republic, he became Vice-President through a political arrangement that placed an Igbo leader at the very heart of the federal government.
That distinction is important.
Zik represented the grandeur of the national dream. Ekwueme demonstrated the power of political positioning.
The lesson is not that the Igbo should abandon presidential ambition.
The lesson is that presidential ambition must be accompanied by political architecture.
This is precisely why the David Umahi argument deserves a more sophisticated examination than the usual name-calling that accompanies it.
UMAHI’S POLITICAL GAMBLE
Like him or hate him, David Umahi understands one fundamental principle of politics:
You cannot negotiate from the margins if you want to control the centre.
His decision to work with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has attracted criticism from many quarters of the South-East.
But political history will ultimately judge whether that decision was merely opportunistic or whether it represented a calculated attempt to reposition the South-East within Nigeria’s governing establishment.
As Minister of Works, Umahi is also uniquely positioned to make the infrastructure argument.
The Federal Government says major road and bridge projects are currently being executed across Ebonyi and the wider South-East, including sections of the Calabar–Ebonyi–Benue–Nasarawa–Abuja corridor and the Ndi-Egbe Bridge linking Ebonyi with Cross River.
Umahi has repeatedly argued that the Tinubu administration is reversing decades of infrastructure neglect in the region. In June 2026, he specifically cited projects that he said had remained unrealised for decades.
These claims should be scrutinised, not blindly accepted.
But neither should they be dismissed simply because they come from a politician whose political position many people dislike.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT LOVING TINUBU
Here lies the fundamental misunderstanding.
The argument for the South-East supporting Tinubu in 2027 does not have to mean that every Igbo man suddenly becomes an APC loyalist.
It does not mean that every policy of the Tinubu administration must be applauded.
It does not mean that the South-East should surrender its independent political voice.
It means something much more sophisticated:
The South-East should negotiate with power instead of permanently positioning itself outside power.
There is a difference between loyalty and strategy.
A political party is not a religion.
A presidential candidate is not a tribal deity.
Politics is transactional.
Every serious political region negotiates.
The Yoruba negotiate.
The North negotiates.
The South-South negotiates.
Why should the Igbo be the only people expected to vote purely from emotion?
THE 2031 CALCULATION
This is where the debate becomes particularly interesting.
If Tinubu wins in 2027, the political conversation will inevitably move toward the succession question.
Who takes over after Tinubu?
Which region?
Which coalition?
Which political bloc has accumulated sufficient goodwill, influence and bargaining power to negotiate the next presidential arrangement?
The South-East cannot wait until 2031 before asking these questions.
The political preparation must begin in 2027.
That is the strategic argument behind Umahi’s position.
If the South-East becomes a critical component of the governing coalition in 2027, it potentially creates a stronger negotiating platform for the future.
That does not guarantee an Igbo presidency.
Nothing in Nigerian politics comes with such a guarantee.
But it may create a better platform from which to negotiate one.
And that is the difference between political fantasy and political strategy.
THE BIGGEST MISTAKE WOULD BE TO TURN OBI AND UMAHI INTO ENEMIES
There is perhaps a more important question.
Why must Peter Obi and David Umahi be treated as political enemies simply because they have chosen different routes?
They are both prominent Igbo political figures.
One has demonstrated extraordinary grassroots mobilisation and national visibility.
The other currently occupies one of the most influential positions in the federal infrastructure establishment.
One understands mass political mobilisation.
The other understands the mechanics of government and federal power.
Why should these strengths not be brought together?
Why must the argument always be:
Obi versus Umahi?
Why can’t it become:
Obi and Umahi—what is the best strategic route for the Igbo nation?
The two men do not have to belong to the same political party.
They do not have to endorse the same presidential candidate.
They do not even have to agree on every issue.
But they can sit down as Igbo leaders and discuss the future beyond their personal political ambitions.
That conversation is long overdue.
THE SOUTH-EAST NEEDS A POLITICAL RESET
The greatest danger facing the South-East is not that it supports the wrong candidate.
It is that it continues to approach Nigerian politics primarily through the prism of emotional solidarity.
Every election becomes:
“This is our turn.”
“This is our brother.”
“This is our son.”
But Nigeria does not operate on sentiment.
The presidency is a national institution.
To occupy it, you need national numbers.
To acquire national numbers, you need alliances.
To sustain alliances, you need political relevance.
And to achieve political relevance, you must be present where national decisions are being made.
That is the political centre.
THE PRICE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION
The South-East has spent years complaining about marginalisation.
Yet political marginalisation cannot be defeated by political isolation.
That is the paradox.
You cannot complain that Abuja is ignoring you while simultaneously refusing to develop a sustainable strategy for influencing Abuja.
You cannot demand inclusion while permanently behaving as though participation in the governing coalition is a betrayal of your identity.
The Igbo are too politically sophisticated for that contradiction.
The region must move beyond the politics of grievance to the politics of negotiation.
WHAT SHOULD THE IGBO DEMAND FROM TINUBU?
If the South-East is to support Tinubu, it should not be a blank cheque.
It should be a contract of political expectations.
The region should demand:
accelerated completion of strategic federal roads and bridges;
stronger federal presence in industrial and economic development;
greater political inclusion;
protection of businesses and investments;
improved security and regional connectivity;
greater representation in national appointments;
deliberate inclusion in future national power-sharing negotiations; and
a credible pathway toward greater political participation in the post-2027 era.
That is how mature politics works.
You do not merely vote. You negotiate.
UMAHI’S MESSAGE MAY BE UNCOMFORTABLE—BUT SHOULD NOT BE DISMISSED
Umahi has reportedly urged South-East political stakeholders to rally behind Tinubu in 2027, and has even framed the choice in terms of continued access to federal development projects.
That formulation will certainly provoke controversy.
But perhaps controversy is precisely what the South-East needs.
For too long, political debate has been reduced to accusations of betrayal.
Anyone who disagrees with the dominant regional political position is quickly labelled an enemy of the Igbo cause.
That mentality must end.
A political argument should be defeated with a better political argument—not with abuse.
If Umahi is wrong, prove that his strategy cannot deliver greater political influence.
If Obi is wrong, demonstrate why his strategy cannot build the coalition necessary to win the presidency.
But let the debate be about strategy, not personality.
THE CHOICE BEFORE THE SOUTH-EAST
The South-East now stands at a crossroads.
One road offers emotional satisfaction.
The other offers strategic uncertainty but potentially greater access to the political centre.
One says:
“Let us vote for our own because he is our own.”
The other asks:
“What political arrangement gives our people the greatest bargaining power?”
The second question is the question of statesmen.
The Igbo presidential dream should not be abandoned.
It should be redesigned.
It should be negotiated.
It should be built upon alliances stretching across the six geopolitical zones.
And if supporting Tinubu in 2027 can place the South-East in a stronger bargaining position for 2031 and beyond, then the question should not be whether such a strategy is emotionally satisfying.
The question should be whether it is politically intelligent.
LET UMAHI AND OBI SIT DOWN
Ultimately, this debate should not end with Tinubu.
It should begin with the future of the Igbo nation.
David Umahi and Peter Obi should sit down.
Not for a television debate.
Not for political combat.
Not to determine who is more popular.
They should sit down as two influential Igbo sons and ask one question:
“How do we get the Igbo nation back to the centre of Nigerian political power?”
If the answer requires supporting Tinubu today, let them say so.
If the answer requires another route, let them articulate it.
But let the South-East have the conversation.
Because the real tragedy would not be losing an election.
The real tragedy would be winning the argument for ethnic pride while losing the opportunity for political power.
The Igbo do not need another election of emotional satisfaction.
They need a political strategy.
And perhaps, for the first time in decades, the South-East must learn to choose not merely the candidate it loves—but the political arrangement that can take it where it wants to go.
National relevance must become more important than ethnic ego.
That is the uncomfortable conversation 2027 demands.
The African Democratic Congress has unveiled its governorship and deputy governorship candidates for the 2027 general elections in 28 states.
The party announced the candidates in a statement on Friday, saying they would fly the ADC flag in the various states and provide Nigerians with what it described as a credible alternative in the forthcoming elections.
Among the prominent candidates unveiled are Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour in Lagos State, Isa Mohammed Ashiru in Kaduna, Great Ogboru in Delta, Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita in Katsina and former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, in Kebbi.
Other states where the party has fielded candidates include Adamawa, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Ogun, Plateau, Zamfara, Enugu and Ebonyi.
The ADC said the candidates were selected as part of its efforts to present credible leadership and offer Nigerians a “real alternative” ahead of the 2027 elections.
The full list is as follows:
- Abia: Kalu Kalu Agu — Governor; Alozie Ogadinma Darlington — Deputy Governor
- Adamawa: Modibbo Hammantukur Ribadu — Governor; Aguwa Kevin Iliya — Deputy Governor
- Akwa Ibom: Akpanudoedehe John James — Governor; Nsien Mkpombuk Tommy — Deputy Governor
- Bauchi: Senator Halliru Dauda Jika — Governor; Sama’ila Mohammed Kabir — Deputy Governor
- Benue: Rt. Hon. Herman Iorwase Hembe — Governor; Abba John Abba — Deputy Governor
- Borno: Babagana Buhari — Governor; Mamman Dauda — Deputy Governor
- Cross River: Nkoyo Toyo — Governor; Okwoche Andrew Adagbor — Deputy Governor
- Delta: Chief Great Ogboru — Governor; Afiari Gloria — Deputy Governor
- Ebonyi: Ukpai Mba Udeh — Governor; Onwe Daniel Ede — Deputy Governor
- Enugu: Ocho Obodoeze Chukwuma — Governor; Eze Arinze Christopher — Deputy Governor
- Gombe: Bala Bello — Governor; Bala Sani Isa — Deputy Governor
- Jigawa: Sabo Mohammed Nakudu — Governor; Musa Ya’u Balarabe — Deputy Governor
- Kaduna: Isa Mohammed Ashiru — Governor; Kantiok Irmiya Ishaku — Deputy Governor
- Kano: Ibrahim Ali Amin — Governor; Shehu Abdulkadir Bari — Deputy Governor
- Katsina: Senator Ahmad Babba Kaita — Governor; Aminu Yar’adua Ahmed — Deputy Governor
- Kebbi: Abubakar Malami — Governor; Zagi Musa Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Kwara: Zakari Mohammed — Governor; Olawuyi Julius Olayide — Deputy Governor
- Lagos: Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour — Governor; Gbadamosi Babatunde Olalere — Deputy Governor
- Nasarawa: Nuhu Angbazo — Governor; Ahmed Yusuf — Deputy Governor
- Niger: Dr Mohammed Kpautagi — Governor; Musa Mamman — Deputy Governor
- Ogun: Biodun Collins Ogundipe — Governor; Muraina Oluwaranti Oluyemi — Deputy Governor
- Oyo: Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke — Governor; Wahab Adeniyi — Deputy Governor
- Plateau: Brig. Gen. John Sunday Sura — Governor; Pwajok-Kele Chundung Bitrus — Deputy Governor
- Rivers: Gabriel Pidomson — Governor; Okumgba David Amapakaye — Deputy Governor
- Sokoto: Manir Mohammad Daniya — Governor; Isah Bello Ambarura — Deputy Governor
- Taraba: Abubakar Umar Tutare — Governor; Kwetishe Haruna Kwenyan — Deputy Governor
- Yobe: Kassim G. Gaidam — Governor; Kori Lawan Mohammed — Deputy Governor
- Zamfara: Shinkafi Bilyaminu Yusuf — Governor; Muhammad Abdulmuddalib Auwal — Deputy Governor
The party said the candidates would work under its platform to advance its agenda and present voters with an alternative ahead of the 2027 governorship elections.
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