Opinion
BEFORE NSUKKA ZONE BREAKS ENUGU’S TABLE OF EQUITY
By Sir Ezekiel Madu
Last week, the good people of Enugu State, also known as Waawa Land, woke up to a shocking video of the senator-elect for Enugu North senatorial district, otherwise known as Nsukka zone, Chief Okey Ezea of the Labour Party, declaring war on his Nkanu brothers and sisters. He unequivocally proclaimed that the forthcoming governorship election *is* a “do-or-die game” for Nsukka zone against Nkanu land.
Ezea said: “The March 11th election is about Nsukka. It is a straight fight between Nsukka and Nkanu to know who is bigger than the other because Nkanu people want to turn us, the majority, to minority. So, you must prepare very well. You must make sure the directive goes round. This is about Nsukka. Young men, please, you must prepare yourselves very well. We are going into a war on March 11th and it is a do-or-die game”.
For those, who would be wondering how an election among candidates from Enugu East Senatorial District became a duel between the Nsukka and Nkanu people, the background to this is that while the constitution recognises three senatorial zones in Enugu State as others, namely; Enugu North, Enugu West and Enugu East, the likes of Ezea, Nnia Nwodo, and the rest of Nsukka irredentists brainwash their people into believing that Enugu State is made up of just two zones in reality. They are the old Enugu senatorial zone (comprising the present Enugu West and Enugu East senatorial zones with the exception of Isi-Uzo, which was carved into Enugu East zone ahead of the current democratic dispensation) and the old Nsukka senatorial zone (which comprised the present Enugu North, plus Isi-Uzo LGA) is one. Abakaliki zone used to be the third zone before the creation of Ebonyi State.
However, the charter of equity instituted by the founding fathers of the state has seen power seamlessly rotate among the three constitutionally senatorial zones, starting from Enugu East senatorial zone, predominated by Nkanu people, which produced Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani in 1999. Nnamani picked Sullivan Chime from Enugu West senatorial zone as his successor in 2007; probably because the first civilian governor of Enugu State, Dr. Okwesilieze Nwodo, hails from Enugu North senatorial zone. Chime handed over to the incumbent, Hon. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi from Enugu North in 2015.
Ahead of the 2023 general election, it was a given that power would revert to Enugu East Senatorial zone, which started the first round of rotation in 1999. Although there were those like Senator Ike Ekweremadu (Awgu cultural zone of Enugu West), who argued that having gone round, the next round of power rotation could start from any senatorial zone, possibly with the exception of Enugu North zone, which currently occupies the Lion Building. But those who wanted a clockwise rotation with power reverting to Enugu East zone carried the day.
Meanwhile, to brighten their chances ahead of the PDP primary election, the traditional rulers of Enugu East senatorial district brokered a written pact signed by all the 16 or 17 aspirants from the zone wherein they covenanted to support any among them endorsed by Governor Ugwuanyi. By that written pact, the PDP primary election should have been a confirmation of a consensus. But Chijioke Edeoga, who hails from Isi-Uzo contested and lost to the governor’s preferred candidate, Dr. Peter Mbah 790 to 9 votes. But following Mbah’s overtures to him, Edeoga issued a personally signed statement on 8th June 2022 where he unambiguously endorsed Mbah.
It was at this point that the likes of Nnia Nwodo, who is more like his father-in-law stepped in to insist that the old Nsukka zone (that is the present Enugu North in addition to Isi-Uzo LGA) must produce the next governor; their argument being that the old Enugu senatorial zone (present Enugu East and Enugu West senatorial zones) had done 16 years vide Nnamani and Chime, hence the old Nsukka zone must do another eight years after Ugwuanyi to eqaulise it. And it is instructive note that, although Edeoga wanted the governorship seat which was zoned to Enugu East, he has always made it abundantly clear by his body language and strategic moves that he wanted it in order to exercise power on behalf of the old Nsukka zone. Even his choice of a deputy from Enugu West instead of Nsukka is an admission that he is an Nsukka man. Now Ezea has confirmed that Edeoga’s ticket is Nsukka’s ticket and that they needed another eight years to do their infrastructure.
It doesn’t matter to them that all the traditional rulers, leaders of thought across the political parties, etc. in Enugu East senatorial zone have adopted Peter Mbah as the zone’s sole candidate. It doesn’t matter to them that Udenu LGA where Ugwuanyi hails from was created out of Isi-Uzo LGA. And it certainly doesn’t matter to them that Chijioke Edeoga is Ugwuanyi’s first cousin.
They believe that might is right. They believe that with seven LGAs and a profound voting strength, they are in a position to dominate the governorship of the state against the dictates of equity, justice, and common sense. They are also emboldened by the fact that hey have strategically stoked the division in Nkanu land be entering into a pact by the Prof. Bath Nnaji-led Odenigbos, as they want to be called. Interestingly too, Prof. Nnaji was also a signatory to the 19th May 2022 Nike Lake pact among Enugu East senatorial zone governorship aspirants on the platform of the PDP.
However, the people of Nsukka must note that you don’t always have to do some things because you believe you have the power or resources to do so. In 2015, a combination of Ekweremadu and Chime could have probably denied Enugu North the governorship seat if they wanted. All Ekweremadu needed do was to relinquish the senatorial ticket to Sullivan Chime in exchange for the governorship seat. But he didn’t. Chime could also have traded the senatorial seat in exchange for the governorship seat. But he didn’t. Both men respected the principles of justice and equity. Thus, an incumbent governor, Sullivan Chime, went home empty-handed.
It is recalled that other parts of Enugu State respected Nsukka’s choice in Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, whom they presented to Chime, and he in turn adopted him and presented to Enugu people. Ugwuanyi recorded an unprecedented victory by securing 482,227 votes to defeat his closest rival, Chief Okey Ezea of the APC, who got 43,839 votes. In 2019, Enugu people gave Ugwuanyi 449,935 votes (95.54 per cent of valid votes cast) to defeat APC’s Senator Ayogu Eze, who polled 10,423 votes (2.21 per cent of the votes).
It is therefore a sad commentary on Enugu politics that some leaders of Nsukka are bent on destroying the table of equity on which the peace and prosperity of Enugu State stands. For preferring an Nkanu East man, they ensured Ugwuanyi was handed a humiliating defeat in the last senatorial election, even down to his poling booth. Notwithstanding that Nnamani ensured that power mmoved out of Nkanu land in 2007, even though he could have done otherwise, all hell is being let loose, we are being plunged into a “do-or-die game”, as Okey Ezea declared it, simply because its time for power to return to Nkanu land.
Just to grab power, Nnia Nwodo and Barth Nnaji have jointly reawakened a fading fault line in Nkanu land and small children are now hearing what they never heard; Nsukka man is now made to see his Nkanu brother as his enemy and vice versa; voices of reason in Nsukka are being harassed and intimidated into submission; and even the clergy have been drawn into the election battlefield, with most of them in Nsukka zone abandoning the oneness of the body of Christ and the universality of humanity to champion a clearly clannish agenda of a few Nsukka elites.
Unfortunately, it is given that a man, who feels unjustly treated will never be interested in peace. So, when all this toxic dust settles, one hopes that these Nsukka supremacists will still find fresh air to breath if and when they achieve their additional eight years for Nsukka. It is s one thing to win the war that Nsukka zone has declared on the rest of Enugu State, but it is yet another to win the peace.
Above all, we hope that the likes of Nnia Nwodo, Chief Okey Ezea, etc. and not excluding Bishop Igwebuike Onah (by commission or omission) will one day stand before their Maker, proud that they put a knife on the things that held us together as Ndi Waawa and now we are irredeemably falling apart.
I believe we still have elders in Nsukka and Enugu State. But why are elders sitting indolently at home while the she-goat suffers the pains of birth tied to a tether? Now is the time to speak up before some greedy power mongers break our table of equity and justice. And I pray that reason prevails.
Madu writes from Oji River, Enugu.
The 2027 governorship election in Ebonyi State must not be viewed as just another political contest. For many Ndi Ebonyi, it represents a defining moment — an opportunity to reflect on the direction of the state and make a decisive choice about the kind of leadership they want for the future.
Across the vast lands of Ebonyi, there is a growing sense of frustration and uncertainty. Many citizens are asking difficult questions about security, youth empowerment, employment opportunities, poverty alleviation and the welfare of vulnerable groups, particularly women and young girls.
The concerns are real, and they deserve serious political attention.
A state blessed with human and natural resources should be one where young people can look to the future with confidence, where women have meaningful opportunities to thrive, and where government policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens.
It is against this backdrop that Anyichuks Odii has emerged as a political figure attracting growing attention among those seeking a different direction for Ebonyi.
To his supporters, Anyichuks Odii represents a combination of experience, vision, capacity and determination — qualities they believe are necessary to reposition the state and restore hope among its people.
The argument is straightforward: Ebonyi needs leadership that does not merely administer the state but actively creates opportunities for its people.
The youths need more than political promises. They need practical skills, access to opportunities, entrepreneurship support, employment pathways and an environment where their talents can translate into sustainable livelihoods.
Women need more than symbolic representation. They need economic empowerment, access to finance, skills development, education and policies that enable them to become stronger contributors to their families and communities.
And every citizen deserves to feel secure enough to live, work and pursue legitimate aspirations without fear.
The 2027 election therefore provides Ndi Ebonyi with an opportunity to critically assess the records, ideas and capacity of every candidate seeking their mandate.
Democracy ultimately belongs to the people. Their voter cards are their instruments of choice, and their votes should reflect their aspirations for a better Ebonyi.
Already, political conversations are intensifying across the state. One of the songs gaining attention among supporters captures the mood of those calling for a change in political direction:
“Nwifuru kwakoro naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba, onye ndozi abiago, naba… Ka Anyichuks bata.”
For the supporters of Anyichuks Odii, the message is clear: they believe a new chapter is possible and that the 2027 governorship election could be the moment when Ndi Ebonyi choose the leadership they believe can deliver that change.
But beyond slogans and political songs, the real test will be the issues.
Ebonyi deserves a serious conversation about security, economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, youth employment, women’s empowerment and inclusive governance.
The people must demand clear plans, measurable commitments and accountability from all contenders.
If 2027 is indeed to become a moment of redemption, it must ultimately be a redemption achieved through the informed choice of the people.
And for those who believe Anyichuks Odii embodies the leadership Ebonyi needs, the journey to 2027 has already begun.
The message from his supporters is unmistakable:
Ebonyi is ready for a new conversation. Ebonyi is ready to choose. Ebonyi is ready for a new direction.
By Dr. Kenneth Anozie, Political Strategist
By Emma Igwe
The decision by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, to institute a defamation action against Linda Ikeji, Linda Ikeji TV Limited and Stella Ifeoma Okengwu should not be dismissed as an attempt to silence criticism.
At the heart of the case is a much more fundamental question: how far can individuals and media platforms go in publishing serious allegations against a person’s character and reputation without being held accountable if those allegations are found to be false?
Umahi has approached the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with suit No. GWD/CV/264/26, filed on August 24, 2026. He alleges that publications and videos circulated between March 2025 and March 2026 contained allegations of bribery, corruption, intimidation, sexual misconduct, land grabbing, sexual harassment and claims that he was unfit for public office. He maintains that the allegations were false, malicious and calculated to damage his reputation.
These are not minor accusations.
A public official can be criticised over policies, projects, political decisions and performance. That is an essential part of democracy. But allegations of corruption, bribery and sexual misconduct are qualitatively different. If such allegations are published without adequate factual foundation and are ultimately found to be false and defamatory, the damage to the subject’s reputation can be enormous.
THE SCALE OF PUBLICATION MATTERS
Another important consideration is the alleged reach of the publications.
According to the reports on the suit, Umahi alleges that material posted by Stella Okengwu was subsequently amplified through Linda Ikeji’s media platforms, including Linda Ikeji TV and its Instagram platform.
That distinction matters.
An allegation whispered privately to a few people is one thing. An allegation disseminated through platforms with substantial online audiences is another.
If the court ultimately finds that defamatory statements were repeatedly disseminated to a large audience, the extent of publication would naturally become relevant when assessing the injury allegedly suffered by the claimant.
UMAHI SAYS HE DID NOT RUSH TO COURT
The minister also says that his lawyers first demanded that the alleged publications be removed, that an unreserved apology be issued and that the defendants undertake not to repeat similar allegations.
He alleges that those demands were not complied with.
If that account is established before the court, it strengthens the argument that litigation was not necessarily his first response, but followed an alleged failure to resolve the dispute through a demand for correction and retraction.
WHY THE CLAIM FOR DAMAGES IS SIGNIFICANT
Umahi is seeking ₦500 million in general damages and ₦2 billion in exemplary damages, making ₦2.5 billion in damages. He is separately seeking ₦500 million as costs of the action and 10 percent post-judgment interest.
The amount claimed should not, however, be confused with an amount already awarded by a court.
It is a claim that must be proved.
And that is precisely why the court process is important.
If Umahi can establish that the publications were false and defamatory, that they caused serious injury to his reputation and that the defendants were legally responsible for their publication or republication, then compensation would serve more than a personal purpose.
It would reinforce the principle that freedom of expression does not automatically translate into freedom from responsibility for demonstrably false and defamatory statements.
THIS IS NOT ABOUT PROTECTING POLITICIANS FROM CRITICISM
There is a dangerous tendency in Nigeria to treat every defamation action involving a politician as an attempt to suppress free speech.
That approach is too simplistic.
Democracy requires vigorous criticism of public officials. Journalists, bloggers and citizens must remain free to investigate government and expose genuine wrongdoing.
But democracy also requires accountability for what is published.
If a journalist has evidence of corruption, the appropriate response is to present the evidence and defend the publication in court. If a person makes an allegation and can prove its substantial truth, that too is a legitimate defence.
But if a court eventually determines that serious allegations were knowingly or recklessly published without justification and caused reputational damage, the law must provide a remedy.
THE COURT SHOULD DECIDE — NOT SOCIAL MEDIA
This is perhaps the most important aspect of the Umahi case.
At present, the allegations made by Umahi in his Statement of Claim remain allegations before the court. The defendants had not, according to reports available as of August 25, been served with the writ, and no hearing date had been fixed. They will have the opportunity to present their defence.
Therefore, neither Umahi nor his opponents should declare victory prematurely.
The proper question is not whether Umahi is powerful enough to sue.
The proper question is whether the publications complained of were true, substantially true, fair comment, privileged, or defamatory and unjustified.
That is what evidence and the judicial process should determine.
THE REAL TEST
Umahi deserves compensation if he proves his case.
If the court establishes that he was falsely accused of serious criminal, corrupt or sexually improper conduct; that the allegations were defamatory; that the defendants were legally responsible for the publications; and that he suffered compensable injury, then a substantial award would not be an attack on journalism.
It would be an application of the law.
Conversely, if the defendants can substantiate their allegations or establish a recognised legal defence, the court should equally protect their right to publish matters of legitimate public interest.
That is the essence of the rule of law.
The court — not social media, not political supporters, and not bloggers — should have the final word.
In life, evil never lasts forever. *Change must always come*! Many believe today that 2027 is *FREEDOM TIME FOR EBONYI PEOPLE*
In the midst of these cacophonic political noise, a man of the people has arisen to clean the tears that Ebonyi has suffered under an *ifuru* guy whose legendary for corruption and sleaze is unquantifiable..
*DR. ANYICHUKS ODII IS FINALLY HERE*! The people are excited. The vision is classic which will turn Ebonyi around.
1. Infrastructure.
2. Industrialization.
3. Farming improvement
4. ICT development
5. Youth empowerments
6. Government restructuring.
7. Securing lives and property
8. Expanded governance to touch all parts of Ebonyi
9. Education expansion and offer of scholarships to indigent students & pupils.
More will come with a leader who, as a private businessman made all these possible, as well as developed sporting activities around Ebonyi State.
Ndi Ebonyi, look at the man; *ANYICHUKS ODII*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Kenneth Anozie
Soon, the INEC regulations will lift the lid on campaigns to start. In Ebonyi state, there will be a lot of political noise. The political timberlines will be sounding cacophonously. The noise will be unbearable.
However, only one campaign, the Governorship candidate of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, *DR. ANYICHUKS ODII* will be the only mandate the good people of Ebonyi need to be hearing and standing on. His mandate merits all the noise because he has served the people and has been a source of succour for thousands of families in many aspects.
The vision of Anyichuks Odii on health care, education, social safety, security and agriculture/industrialization as well as youth empowerments are all top notch. They are all well spelt out, which will be released as his manifesto will be released soon.
Already, we have seen a glimpse of it in our previous revelations and analysis. As it stands today, only on the mandate of Anyichuks Odii as the governorship candidate of PDP are people expected to stand on.
The mandate has character, capacity, compassion and great vision.
*EBONYI PEOPLE, BLIGHT ANY OTHER MANDATE, ANYICHUKS ODII IS THE MANDATE WE SHALL ALL STAND ON*
Dr. Kenneth Anozie
Political Analyst
Opinion
SEYI TINUBU AND THE CITY BOYS MOVEMENT: Building A New Architecture For Nigerian Youth In Politics And Nation-Building
When history records the political organizing of Nigeria in the 2020s, the name Seyi Tinubu will feature prominently not just as the son of a president, but as the convener who gave structure to youthful energy through the City Boys Movement.
What began as a campaign vehicle in 2022 has since evolved. Seyi Tinubu himself described it at the movement’s national retreat in Abuja as “more than just the opening of a retreat. It is the beginning of a movement” dedicated to service and the Renewed Hope vision.
That evolution matters. For too long, youth engagement in Nigeria oscillated between protest and apathy. The City Boys Movement offers a third lane: organized, institutional, and solution-driven participation.
On youth advocacy, the CBM has redefined what advocacy can look like. Instead of shouting from the sidelines, its members are being trained to enter rooms, ask questions, and propose answers.
Seyi Tinubu challenged the movement to move beyond defending government to “reconnecting Nigerians with government.” That is advocacy with responsibility — explaining policy, listening to feedback, and carrying both back to Abuja.
In governance communication, the gap between policy makers and citizens has been Nigeria’s oldest problem. CBM is attempting to close it by deploying young people as policy translators.
With reforms like subsidy removal and naira floatation straining households, the movement positioned itself as a buffer — not to deny the pain, but to explain the purpose with facts and empathy.
The directive from its Patron was clear: engagement must be “responsible, factual and compassionate.” That is a maturity we rarely demand of youth politics, and it is changing the tone of conversations in markets, campuses, and wards.
Visible participation is where the theory meets the street. CBM has deliberately taken its meetings out of Abuja hotels and into communities across the 36 states and FCT.
From free medical outreaches to campus visits, members are showing up where government is felt most — in clinics, in schools, in queues.
That visibility sends a message to young Nigerians: politics is not a distant game. It is something you can touch, join, and shape.
Perhaps the most consequential shift is institutionalization. The movement has moved from a loose WhatsApp group to a formal structure with a National Working Committee, State Directors, and representation down to Zonal, LGA and Ward levels.
This matters because structure creates accountability. It creates a ladder for a 24-year-old in Oron, a 28-year-old in Kano, or a 30-year-old in Enugu to rise through service, not just slogans.
The stated target of mobilizing 10 million youth votes for 2027 is ambitious, but the method is instructive: “real people, real members, real engagement and hard work at the grassroots,” according to the Director-General.
On relief and welfare, the City Boys Movement has chosen to lead with service. Nationwide food distribution during Ramadan and Lent, medical missions, and direct support to vulnerable households have become part of its brand.
These are not photo ops. In a season of economic adjustment, relief builds trust. Trust is the currency of governance, and youth are spending it in their communities.
Direct empowerment is the next pillar. Through programs tied to Seyi Tinubu’s initiatives, thousands have received grants, business support, and tools to start or scale.
In Ogun State alone, the model included ₦500,000 grants for 50 SMEs, ₦200,000 for 100 micro-businesses, and up to ₦5m for tech innovation winners.
Furniture donations to primary schools and cash grants to market women show the movement understands that empowerment must be both aspirational and immediate.
This is advocacy that pays school fees, stocks a shop, and buys drugs. It tells a young person: your government sees you, and your peers are in the room making it happen.
Geopolitical outreach is another area where CBM is breaking new ground. By appointing high-profile regional directors and pushing into the South-East, the movement is testing whether youthful messaging can transcend old party lines.
The goal is not to erase differences, but to create a national conversation where youth in every zone see themselves in the same project.
That is nation-building work. It is slow, unglamorous, and necessary.
The movement also offers a critical safety valve: channeling youthful frustration into structured civic engagement rather than into street confrontations.
That is not about silencing dissent. It is about giving dissent an address, a process, and a path to influence.
Critics will argue that youth groups tied to power risk becoming echo chambers. The test for CBM will be whether it can carry hard feedback upward as boldly as it carries policy downward.
Early signs suggest the leadership knows this. The repeated calls for empathy, for listening, and for “scratching only the surface” of what can be accomplished point to an awareness that legitimacy must be earned daily.
Seyi Tinubu’s role has been to provide patronage without suffocation — to fund, to convene, and then to step back enough for members to own the work.
If the City Boys Movement sustains this model, it could leave behind more than votes. It could leave behind a template: how to institutionalize youth energy, communicate governance honestly, and turn relief into resilience.
Nigeria does not need more spectators. It needs more builders. In Seyi Tinubu and the City Boys Movement, we are watching an experiment to see if Nigerian youth can be organized not just to win elections, but to govern, to serve, and to stay. The early chapters suggest it is possible.
CHINEDUM ENYINNAYA ORJI writes from Amaokwe Ugba, Umuahia Ibeku, Abia State.
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