Politics
2027: APC, anti-Tinubu coalition battle for Buhari’s support
The All Progressives Congress and governors elected under the party are actively working to stop former President Muhammadu Buhari and his loyalists from aligning with opposition figures.
According to an insider at the APC National Secretariat, this is the reason behind the visits of the National Working Committee and APC governors to Buhari at his residence in Kaduna State.
Beyond the claim of a Sallah visit, the credible source stated that the NWC and the APC governors visited Buhari over growing concern that the ‘body language’ of the former president was not in favour of the party.
“The leaders are concerned that the ex-president has withdrawn and shown limited support for the current government. They observed that opposition figures have taken advantage of Buhari’s openness to create the impression that his spirit and body language are no longer with the APC. That is why the NWC had to visit him to show that he still belongs to the APC and ward off any negative impression among party members, especially from his followers in the North.
“Importantly, the party acknowledges that the North is uncomfortable with President Bola Tinubu’s administration and is clearly planning not to support his second term. The APC leadership decided to dissuade the former president from making himself available to opposition figures who have been visiting him,” the impeccable source said.
The insider told Sunday PUNCH that the APC leadership had taken “Buhari’s body language more seriously,” noting that they could not afford to let the opposition “hijack” him from them.
He said, “The party leaders have realised that there is fire on the mountain, and they have begun to move closer to Buhari than before. The body language of the former president clearly shows that his spirit is no longer with the APC. They are now taking his actions and inactions more seriously. The leaders are trying to ensure that the APC doesn’t lose Buhari and his followers to the strategic moves of the likes of Atiku.”
Coalition befriends Buhari
Buhari’s residence in Kaduna has become a sort of Mecca since the Eid-il-Fitr celebrations, especially following reports that the Congress for Progressive Change bloc of the APC and some former ministers who served under the ex-president were planning to defect to the Social Democratic Party.
One of Buhari’s loyalists and former governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, defected to the SDP on March 15, citing a growing misalignment between his personal values and the current direction of the APC as the primary reason for his decision.
El-Rufai, a vocal critic of President Tinubu’s administration, revealed that he sought Buhari’s approval before leaving the APC.
Buhari’s loyalists in the defections were the former National Chairman of the APC, Abdullahi Adamu, and former Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami.
Following the report, APC governors visited Buhari on April 7 and held a closed-door meeting with him.
The governors reportedly pleaded with Buhari to halt the defections, promising that the party would address the grievances of his loyalists.
However, three days later (April 11), opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, and governors of Kaduna and Sokoto states, Nasir El-Rufai and Aminu Tambuwal, among other notable politicians, also visited Buhari.
Atiku, speaking to journalists at Buhari’s residence, said the visit was for Sallah homage, explaining that it was not part of any opposition coalition talks.
“We came here on courtesy and Sallah greetings visit to President Muhammadu Buhari,” he said.
When asked about plans to form a major opposition party, Atiku acknowledged ongoing discussions but made it clear that this was not the purpose of the visit.
“There is a plan for the major political parties to come together and form a strong opposition, but it is not part of this visit,” Atiku stated.
Also speaking during the visit, El-Rufai said the meeting had no political undertones, advising “adversaries” not to lose sleep over it.
However, in a swift move, the APC NWC, led by the party Chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, stormed Buhari’s residence a few hours after the opposition leaders left.
Addressing journalists after the visit, Ganduje said the APC was not worried by Atiku’s visit, describing it as another attempt to repeat history.
“What they are trying to build is not viable. Some particles simply cannot come together. We are not worried at all,” he stated.
Ganduje explained that the APC leaders visited Buhari to brief him on the party’s progress since his exit from office and to reaffirm their commitment to upholding his legacy.Although all political figures involved in the visit described it as mere Sallah homage, there are indications that both the ruling party and opposition leaders are courting the former president’s support.
Buhari’s influence in the North has been a significant strength for the APC, which is now facing growing resentment from northerners.
This is as the former president maintained that he remained with the APC and would forever appreciate the party for giving him the platform to be a two-term president.
Visitations about 2027 elections
Sources close to former president Atiku told Sunday PUNCH that the visits were related to the 2027 general elections.
“It’s all about the 2027 general election, particularly the presidency. The visit was geared towards coalition building, not a merger,” one of the sources said.
Another source added, “The visit is to poach Buhari’s loyalists from the APC bloc. These are forces to reckon with since Tinubu has abandoned them, and they know that Buhari cannot help anyone in the 2027 elections. The only option is for Atiku to poach loyalists of the former president from the CPC bloc.”
Atiku had on March 20 announced the formation of a Coalition of Opposition Political Parties to oust President Tinubu in 2027, amid growing resentment against the president in the North.
“Many northerners are unhappy with the current government, except those in the government. A lot is being done to remove Tinubu in 2027,” a political leader in Kaduna State said.
Our correspondent gathered that Atiku and other northerners were intensifying efforts to gain Buhari’s support through his loyalists in the former CPC, now part of the APC.
Why APC, anti-Tinubu politicians want Buhari’s support – Associate
But Mohammed Lawal, a long-time political associate of Buhari, said the ex-president could not stop his loyalists from leaving the APC if they wanted to.
Lawal, who was the deputy director of the Buhari Presidential Campaign Council in 2015, noted that although Buhari had declared his position not to leave the APC, he would respect his loyalists’ decisions.
“The party (APC) gave him the chance to be president for two terms, so separating him from that party is not going to be easy; but there is a limit to which he can force his loyalists to work for the APC.
“For example, if President Buhari decides to support the coalition, I’m sure you will see that in the 90 per cent of his people that are in the coalition, and what is he going to do? Is it to fight against the 90 per cent? So, that is what you are seeing now; everybody is struggling to reach him.
“But there is a limit to what he can do and if 80 or 90 per cent of his people decide to leave, he has to decide.”
Lawal, however, queried the appointments of President Tinubu and the economic hardship in the country.
He said, “It has never been done the way it is (being) done; every administration that has come use to incline a little bit towards its own people either being ethnicity, religion, but this one actually it’s too much according to what you are hearing and what you are seeing within the country.”
On Buhari’s relevance, the associate said, “Buhari is still a big interest within the political circle in the North; how many former heads of states do we have that went through the political rigmarole to become president in the North? I don’t think there is anyone behind Buhari now. Babangida was Head of State with his military background, so also General Abudulsallam; Shagari is gone. So naturally, politicians in the North, even those that are outside APC will look towards Buhari for political direction and advice, so do not be surprised if you see Buhari’s residence in Kaduna being turned into a political Mecca of some sort. I’m not surprised; Buhari is going to continue to be more relevant, especially as 2027 is going to be very tough politically for this country.”
Lawal also noted that opposition figures sought Buhari’s support far ahead because they recognized his electoral value.
He said the ex-president would take the right decision no matter what anyone said about him.
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
By Okey Maduforo Awka
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state has finally submitted the first batch of the list of Commissioners made up of 18 nominees to the Anambra State House of Assembly.
Recall that this reporter had predicted that the Governor would announce the list of his Cabinet members on or before the end of this week.
According to the Special Assistant to the Speaker of the Assembly on New Media Mr Franklin Osankwa , the Speaker Hon Somtochukwu Udeze has already sent the list to the Screening Committee of the legislature.
A breakdown of the list indicates that only four former Commissioners who worked with him during his first term in office were returned .
They include the Commissioner for Health Dr Afam Obidike , Professor Offonze Amucheazi Ministry of Lands , Mr Patrick Agba , Youth Development and Commissioner for Information Dr Law Mefor .
Similarly the list of Special Assistants and Senor Special Assistants and Advisers is being awaited .
No fewer than 10 state governors and former governors are actively working to replace incumbent senators ahead of the 2027 general elections, in what appears to be a sweeping political realignment reshaping Nigeria’s legislative landscape.
The sitting governors, whose tenure will expire by May 2027, are leveraging their control of party structures in their states to secure Senate tickets—largely through “consensus” arrangements.
At least 12 of Nigeria’s 36 incumbent governors are currently serving their second and final terms. Of that number, 10 will complete their constitutionally mandated eight years on May 29, 2027, setting the stage for a high-stakes political transition that is already unsettling party structures nationwide.
Eight of the affected governors are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Seyi Makinde of Oyo State belongs to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), while Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State is affiliated with the Peoples Democratic Party, contrary to earlier claims linking him to the Allied Peoples Movement.
Governors expected to complete their tenure in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Muhammadu Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Governors Douye Diri of Bayelsa and Hope Uzodimma of Imo will also finish their second terms, their exit dates fall in January and February 2028, respectively, due to off-cycle elections. However, their extended timelines have not excluded them from early succession and Senate calculations.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu, during a meeting with the leadership of the National Assembly, rebuffed lobbying efforts by lawmakers seeking automatic return tickets ahead of the 2027 elections. Instead, he reaffirmed the authority of state governors over candidate selection in their respective states.
Sources familiar with the meeting revealed that senators had approached the President to seek assurances for automatic tickets.
“The meeting was to plead for automatic tickets, but the President insisted that governors, as party leaders in their states, must have a decisive say on who gets the ticket,” a source disclosed.
Less than 24 hours later, Tinubu convened another meeting with APC governors, where he reportedly gave them a free hand to conduct party primaries in accordance with the Electoral Act—either through consensus or direct primaries.
Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago confirmed this, stating that the President had effectively empowered governors to drive the primaries process.
Investigations across several states—including Yobe, Nasarawa, Adamawa, Ogun, Gombe, Bauchi, Kwara, and Imo—indicate a growing pattern in which party stakeholders endorse governors or their preferred candidates as sole contenders. In many cases, rivals are pressured to step aside, while primaries are either avoided or reduced to mere formalities.
In Yobe State, Senator Musa Mustapha (Yobe East) stepped aside to support Governor Mai Mala Buni after a stakeholders’ meeting in Damaturu. He also withdrew from the governorship race, pledging full loyalty to party leadership decisions.
Similarly, in Gombe State, former governor and Senator Danjuma Goje lost his bid for a fifth term following a zoning arrangement favouring a candidate aligned with Governor Yahaya.
In Imo State, Governor Hope Uzodimma has been endorsed as the consensus candidate for Imo West, despite the interest of incumbent Senator Osita Izunaso. The move has triggered tension, with former governor Rochas Okorocha also entering the race.
In Ogun State, the consensus model has broken down into open conflict, as Governor Dapo Abiodun’s Senate ambition has put him at odds with incumbent Senator Gbenga Daniel.
In Adamawa, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri has emerged as the consensus candidate for Adamawa North, with the incumbent senator stepping aside in his favour.
Similar developments have been recorded in Nasarawa, Kwara, Delta, and Kogi states, where governors and former governors are positioning themselves to take over Senate seats—often displacing incumbents.
Meanwhile, in Cross River State, former governor Ben Ayade revealed he had been asked to drop his Senate ambition following high-level consultations, a decision he described as painful and unjust.
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