Politics
Enugu’s Double Portion Question: …Crawled-by-night…flight-by-day
By Igbonekwu Ogazimorah
Equity, like nature, abhors Double Portion.
Double Portion actually means having more than fair share, especially when some have not had any at all. For instance, in power sharing in Enugu State, Chimaroke Nnamani represented the share of the Nkanu people (Enugu East), on the throne of Lion Building. Sullivan Chime was for the Enugu West Zone, while Gburugburu Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi is closing the circle as the holder of the mantle on behalf of the Nsukka Zone (Enugu North). If any of the Senatorial Zones had held the position more than once, whereas one has not held at all, it would have amounted to “double portion”, which is capable of igniting conflicts.
But, so far, it has been such seamless and impressive cycle of sharing.
Testamentary laws, especially in the Commonwealth, frown at Double Portion. “You cannot get more than your fair share…” In most of Igbo societies, “Double Portion” was the reason some wars were fought, villages sacked, territories seized and heads rolled. Hmmmmm, “heads will roll.”
Back then, in the early 1990s, the then Governor Okwy Nwodo of old Enugu State had devised what he called the Triangular Equilibrium. He said that the then old Enugu State should be construed to mean a political tripod made of the Abakaliki Senatorial Zone, the Nsukka Senatorial Zone and the Enugu Senatorial Zone. Although it was an age of innocence, it was curious making out what Nwodo actually planned with his tripod theory. His tenure was cut short, as Sani Abacha kicked out all the governors from office in 1993
On creation of Ebonyi State, which took away Abakaliki, a third of the tripod, Enugu was not going to be left with only two legs if it must have the required number of senators and senatorial zones as provided for, in the Constitution of the Federal Republic.
So, Enugu soon returned to three-zonal structure: Enugu West senatorial zone, Enugu East senatorial zone and Enugu North senatorial zone.
Hard core political strikers of the Enugu North (Nsukka Zone) were not happy. To them, it was unjust to split the old Enugu Zone into two senatorial zones while Enugu North remained one. But the old Enugu zone had 11 local government areas whereas the Enugu North (Nsukka) had six. In any case, Enugu was not offered more than three Senatorial Seats/zones.
The people of Enugu East and Enugu West, aware that this is a matter of federal jurisdiction, it would amount to waste of time to discuss it. So, having been settled in law and fact that Enugu State is made of three geopolitical/senatorial zones, the political leaders of Enugu North (Nsukka) ought to understand. No, they want some amendments, even if it is internal to Enugu State.
An outgoing Senator, Chuka Utazi gave a punching hint last year. “…power sharing in Enugu State should be between Nsukka (Enugu North) and old Enugu (Enugu East and Enugu West).”
16-for-16 Agenda
One character among men, long on the stage, short on derivable, gave this analysis on the attached video clip. “The governorship of Sullivan Chime, whose deputy was an Nkanu man (Enugu East), meant total exclusion of the Nsukka people from the Lion Building, for eight years… the eight years each of Chimaroke Nnamani and Sullivan Chime must be seen and accepted as 16 years for one zone – the old Enugu Zone.” He argues further, the eight years of Governor Ugwuanyi must be added with another eight years of a fresh governor from the North (Nsukka), to bring it to 16 years, so that Nsukka would have as much as old Enugu has had”.
To him, fairness can only mean, 16-years-of-Nsukka-for-16-years-of-Enugu.
Mid way, he appears to reaslise how unrealistic he is getting.
He continues, “let the governorship go to Isi Uzo. Thank God, our Nsukka brothers in Isi Uzo are in Enugu East Zone…we will use them to get our full share. Governor Ugwuanyi must make an Isi Uzo man the governorship candidate of the PDP. If an Isi Uzo man becomes the governor, with an Enugu North (Nsukka) man as the deputy governor, then we have revenged what Nnamani did to the Nsukka people.”
The crowd roared in approval. I was surprised (Video clip attached).
Of course, many did not think seriously of any of these. The zones are clearly stated in law and in fact, and such ‘atilogu’ dances over what is clear did not interest most.
But they are mistaken. These guys are dead serious. They have even taken it to the Obi-Dient Movement, using Labour Party to pretend to be part of the ongoing socio-political reengineering riding the wave of the Obi-Dient Movement across the globe.
Boom, came the now withdrawn war threat of Senator-Elect, Okey Ezea. “It is war between Nsukka and Nkanu,” he thundered at a rally.
Ordinarily, Ezea is an urbane gentleman, not given to threatening wars. He never really liked to ruffle feathers, much as he had been in pursuit of political office for a long time. A generous and down to earth gentleman, who preferred to power himself to personal fortune through a dint of hard work and long held connections in the maritime industry. He outburst was a surprise to many.
Any way, he has since retracted.
Divide and Rule
Last year, the report started trickling in that there had been sneaky, crawled-by-night moves to excavate some fast fading primordial social boundaries and imaginary cultural lines in Enugu East and Enugu West. The target of the Labour Party was to find a footing in any form of division among the Nkanus, so that their bid for power would hold some water. Most of the elites ignored it, now to their chagrin.
At the same time, every effort was being made to hold on to Isi Uzo as an Nsukka territory which chances at governorship would translate to such as extended to the Enugu North. The rest we know, as they have not yet said, are not yet history. If you know, you know!
I have had causes to investigate the ethno-historical origin of the major community clusters that make up Isi Uzo. My searches always point in one direction: the Nkanu, Nkale, Nkali, Nkere assemblages in history, are all founded on an erstwhile Izzi/Ezza dispersals. Then I saw the Okwoga administrative records and who was included. Nsukka was of the Okwoga Division. Isi Uzo was not. The Abakaliki Divisional records give all you need to know about the Nkali, Nkanu, etc, heritages. But the Enugu records, housing Eha Amufu as part of the Nikes (Like) of Enugu repeatedly in 1912, 1928 and 1939, would have settled it.
But of course, people become who they chose to become. It hardly matters here.
What matters at moment is the carefully designed program to turn the agenda of these crawled-by-night seekers into an Obi-Dient program. It could not have been an Odi-Dient thing. It is even incapable of disguising as a Labour Party agenda.
It is an agenda of the Crawled-by-night 16-for-16 seekers.
Ugwuanyi must fall
They are seasoned politicians, with the knack for smart electioneering strategies. This strategy is simple. “Make the 16-for-16 agenda one of the desires to rupture the political system, feed this to the rest of Enugu youths, and create a movement which shall ride the crest of the Obi-Dient Movement.
“And, for not supporting this 16-for-16 Agenda, Governor Ugwuanyi must fall. His elective political career must be momentarily brought to a halt.”(Not their exact words).
It was astonishing, listening to the carefree lawyer who rattled, on the premises of the High Court. He could scarcely mask his rage.
First of all, let us understand why the Nsukka people appear to be so resentful of Governor Ugwuanyi, to the extent that they started with an armed struggle which lasted over six months, then followed it with this inexplicable embarrassment at the polls.
Did Governor Ugwuanyi actually fail his people of Enugu North (Nsukka)? Are his in-house media handlers to blame? Did he apply the wrong media strategy?
One Lagos based editor said that his media handlers are to blame. “They are as guilty as charged. They think that executive office media management is limited to handing over fat brown envelopes and turning back the journalists.”
When reminded that Ugwuanyi never really liked live media interactions, as was revealed, he quipped, “So, his projects also disliked media exposure?”
An analytical young friend, Ugochukwu Mba, argues, “Ugwuanyi was not pounded by his Nsukka brothers for not performing. Gburugburu performed, and greatly too, in favour of Nsukka people. He gave them everything. Just take a look at his appointments in almost every office in Enugu State. Gburugburu gave it all to his people. In most of the ministries, his people are lined up from Commissioner down to the clerks. 90 percent of the parastatals are headed by Nsukka people. The same goes for academic institutions. Look at the newly created Housing Estates and the allocation of lands that came with them. The NTA Estate, WTC Estate, Diamond Estate, Greater Enugu, etc. Nsukka people took over 80 per cent of the allocations. Some of the structures were personally erected by the governor and given to his Nsukka people. Look at the brand new university at Igbo Ano. When the Federal Government established a Federal Polytechnic, it was at Nsukka. Go to Nsukka and see the renewal of Nsukka Urban, among other edifying projects.”
So, why the hatred and eventual rejection?
“My Oga, the problem is that Gburugburu is not part of the sit-tight agenda of those Nsukka irredentists.”
Wow!
But how would a governor perform so well for his people, but got so rudely unrequited? “His people want all for now, and since he is not part of that agenda, he must be cut down.”
I was speechless. Indeed, the three new giant structures the governor erected in the headquarters of the Ministry of Justice, he named after three Nsukka jurists. So, how else can the man appease his people? Are they such ingrates?
According to the young man, what irritates most was that whereas the young Nsukka are playing the 16-for-16 Agenda, using the now fiery Obi-Dient activism, the youths of Enugu East and Enugu West (the actual Odi-Dients), are playing woke (political correctness) with the same Obi-dient Movement.” So, they are being duped.
Crawled-by-night…flight-by-day
I have been thinking long and hard about the power possibilities of an emergent crawl by night irredentists and Flight-by-day Obi-Dients. Whereas the genuine Obi-Dients are genuine, the others, schooled in masking their intensions, are garbed of the present political tour de force, just as had been the case in history of revolutions. During the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, there were persons captured by writers as “Monarchists at night, Bolsheviks in the day.” Of course, many Monarchists escaped the massacre and became parts of the new Communist Bolsheviks Order. Deep State actors are usually trained to function that way.
My friend had initially planned to work with the Labour Party as these contests unfolded. Like yours truly, he is an ardent supporter of the national Obi-Dient Movement. But having studied the regimes of opportunism of so called political “niche carvers,” I warned him and invited him to seek further clarifications with older players.
The attempt to resurrect the dying primordial sentiment in Nkanu, as the Labour Party desperately sought a foothold in Enugu East zone was quite nauseating to me. The ongoing offers, deals and percolations, all in the attempt to split the West, are crass opportunism. I told him, too.
These were also pointed out to us soon after we met a retired old war horse. He shook his head as he laughed at my friend: “So, you want to be a part of those who are exploiting the old anger and division in Nkanu land? You will be finished. You want to be part of those trying to bring back what everybody is working hard to forget? Try it. My dear, flee from those people. Flee from any man who capitalises on your disagreement with your wife to try to ‘do it’ with her”
We know. Backdoor channels are always possible in pursuit of most objectives in life. Many who have no understanding of the mechanics of spontaneous social changes may not even appreciate the national political current beating the shores. It is like a powerful storm, and it offers room for opportunism.
In the present case, in Enugu State, it already seems hijacked by this 16-for-16 Movement. They swear that they have never heard of Ebeano; they have all been angels; they are whiter than snows; and they are not of the old order. But in truth, they are the “crawled-by-night” as 16-for16 irredentists and Flight-by-day as Obi-Dients.
They have adorned the fashion in town – Obi-Dient Movement. The rest are clapping!
Shine your eyes!
Ogazimorah, one time Commissioner for Information Strategies, Culture and Tourism in Enugu State, is a Public Affairs Analyst and an Attorney at Law.
Politics
Anambra Communities Boil As Group Carpets Traditional Rulers Over Zoning
By Okey Maduforo, Awka
Ten communities that make up Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State are set for a showdown with their traditional rulers following the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement for the Anambra State House of Assembly elections.
Recall that on April 7, 2022, the traditional rulers, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), resolved that the House of Assembly seats for Anaocha I and Anaocha II constituencies would rotate among the ten communities, with each town occupying the seat for two terms.
The traditional rulers further resolved that the rotation would subsist irrespective of the political party through which lawmakers emerge, noting that the arrangement was aimed at ensuring that all ten communities have the opportunity to produce members of the State Assembly in the interest of equity and fairness.
However, the Anaocha Equity Forum, shortly after its meeting, expressed concern over the alleged suspension of the zoning arrangement.
Speaking, the Convener of the Anaocha Equity Forum, Mr. Valentine Okoye, said the forum would not take kindly to what it described as acts capable of destabilising the council area, adding that any such move would be resisted.
“This is a Memorandum of Understanding signed by our traditional rulers, and it has been respected until now. We in the Anaocha Equity Forum see this as a slap on the sensibilities of the ten communities that make up the area,” he said.
“We urge members of the public, political parties, and stakeholders to disregard the alleged position of the traditional rulers, as it does not represent the views and aspirations of our people.
“Our traditional rulers should be mindful of their roles as fathers of their respective communities. They should also understand that they would be held responsible for whatever backlash or consequences may arise from this recent position.
“We call on Governor Charles Soludo to call the traditional rulers to order so that the peace currently enjoyed in Anaocha Local Government Area will not be disrupted,” he stated.
Politics
Mass exodus: Obi, Kwankwaso exit rocks ADC, 18 lawmakers join NDC
The exit of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, two prominent opposition figures, has weakened the African Democratic Congress across both chambers of the National Assembly.
The National Democratic Congress, which received Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday, recorded its biggest gains on Tuesday with the addition of 17 House members and a senator. Weeks earlier, its ranks expanded when Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa West, defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to join the party.
The development comes a few days after several opposition parties resolved to present a single presidential candidate against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
The wave of defection to the NDC occurred 48 hours after Obi and Kwankwaso, two of the ADC’s most prominent figures, formally exited the party. These moves have significantly altered the opposition landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, setting the stage for shifting political alliances.
Additionally, the latest defectors, drawn from Kano, Anambra, Lagos, Edo, Rivers, and Kogi States, cited internal disarray within the ADC as a major factor that influenced their decision.
While reading their letters on the floor of the House, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, who presided over the plenary session, said the lawmakers blamed the party’s instability for their departure, noting that the crisis remained “unresolved starting from the ward to the national level.”
The defectors to the NDC are Yusuf Datti, Sani Adamu, Zakari Mukhtari, Kamilu Ado, Harris Okonkwo, George Ozodinobi, Lilian Orogbu, Peter Anekwe, Emeka Idu, Ifeanyi Uzokwe, and Afam Ogene. Others include Lagos lawmakers Thaddeus Attah, Oluwaseyi Sowunmi, George Olwande, and Jese Onuakalusi, as well as Murphy Omroruyi from Edo and Umezuruike Manuchim from Rivers State.
In a separate move, Kogi lawmaker Leke Abejide defected from the ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
The coordinated nature of the defections is widely interpreted as a show of loyalty to Obi and Kwankwaso, whose switch to the NDC is already reshaping opposition dynamics.
Both men are influential political figures with strong regional bases—Obi in the South-East and Kwankwaso in the North-West—and their exit from the ADC appears to have triggered a ripple effect among lawmakers aligned with their political structures.
The ADC’s current troubles did not emerge overnight. In recent months, tensions within the party escalated over leadership struggles, strategy disagreements, and competing ambitions among top figures.
The situation worsened amid reports of irreconcilable differences between Obi, Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who was also a central figure in opposition coalition talks.
Efforts to build a united front ahead of 2027 reportedly broke down due to mistrust, zoning disagreements, and control of party structures.
Their eventual defection to the NDC marked a turning point. Seen as a more viable platform for consolidating opposition strength, the NDC quickly became a magnet for lawmakers and political actors seeking stability and clearer leadership direction.
With the departure of key figures and a steady decline in its legislative strength, the ADC now faces a daunting struggle to maintain political relevance.
The loss of national figures like Obi and Kwankwaso, combined with the defection of lawmakers across multiple states, appears to have weakened its structure and electoral prospects.
Only last week, the party boasted 24 members of the House of Representatives, but it is now left with six.
Once the dominant opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party may equally struggle to retain its status.
Though still officially the most formidable opposition in the House, the PDP currently has 29 members in the Green Chamber, down from 116 members in its ranks at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly in June 2023.
Politics
2027: Akpabio Moves to Block Ex-Governors from Contesting for Senate President
Barely a year to the inauguration of the 11th National Assembly, the Senate on Tuesday moved to tighten its internal rules, effectively narrowing the path to its most powerful offices and edging out a class of incoming lawmakers, including serving governors and former senators eyeing leadership positions.
In a move widely seen as pre-emptive, the red chamber, after about three hours of a closed-door session, amended Orders 4 and 5 of its Standing Rules, restricting eligibility for both presiding and principal offices to ranking lawmakers with defined legislative experience.
The amendments come amid growing interest by outgoing governors and political heavyweights, many of whom are positioning to enter the Senate in 2027 to contest for top leadership roles such as Senate President and Deputy Senate President.
Under the Revised Order 4, the Senate reinforced a strict hierarchy for the emergence of presiding officers, stating that “Nomination of senators to serve as Presiding Officers shall be in accordance with the ranking of senators and shall be strictly adhered to.
“The order of ranking are (i) Former President of the Senate, (ii) Former Deputy President of the Senate, (iii) Former Principal Officers of the Senate, (iv) Senators who had served at least one term of four years, (v) Senators who had been members of the House of Representatives, (vi) In the absence of i to v, senators elected into the Senate for the first time,” it stated.
Beyond this ranking structure, the Senate introduced a more stringent provision in Order 5, effectively excluding first-time and non-consecutive lawmakers from contesting principal offices.
The amended rule states: “Any senator shall not be eligible to contest for any principal office of the Senate unless he has served as a senator for at least two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination.”
The implication is far-reaching: senators-elect who were not members of both the 9th and 10th National Assembly would be ineligible to vie for key leadership roles in the 11th Assembly.
Presiding offices in the Senate include the Senate President and Deputy Senate President, while principal offices comprise Senate Leader, Deputy Senate Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Whip, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip.
The rule changes come against the backdrop of an intensifying scramble for Senate seats ahead of the 2027 general elections, driven largely by governors completing their constitutionally allowed two terms.
No fewer than 10 state governors and several former governors are already angling to secure senatorial tickets, leveraging their influence over party structures to emerge as consensus candidates in their respective states.
At least 12 of the 36 state governors are in their second and final terms, with 10 set to complete their tenure by May 29, 2027.
The looming transition has triggered a wave of political realignments, with many seeking to maintain relevance and influence by moving to the National Assembly.
Eight of the affected governors are from the ruling All Progressives Congress, while Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, belongs to the Peoples Democratic Party, and Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed is aligned with the Allied Peoples Movement.
Those expected to exit office in 2027 include AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Ahmadu Fintiri (Adamawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Buni (Yobe), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), alongside Makinde and Bala Mohammed.
Although Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma will complete their tenures in early 2028 due to off-cycle elections, both have been drawn into early permutations for Senate seats.
In Imo State, the political temperature has risen sharply following moves by the All Progressives Congress to position Uzodimma for the Imo West senatorial seat.
Party leaders in the state have already named him as the consensus candidate, even as the incumbent senator, Osita Izunaso, is reportedly seeking a return to the red chamber.
Last Saturday, APC leaders from the Orlu Zone (Imo West), led by the state chairman, Chief Austin Onyedebelu, purchased the 2027 senatorial nomination form for the governor, urging him to accept the ticket.
Onyedebelu, who presented the forms to Uzodimma’s Chief of Staff, Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie, called for pressure on the governor to “accept the plea of Orlu people by filling the forms so that it can be submitted before the deadline of 5th May, 2026.”
The state APC has also warned other aspirants against contesting the seat, insisting that Uzodimma remains the consensus choice.
Complicating the contest, former Governor Rochas Okorocha equally purchased nomination forms in a bid to return to the Senate, a move confirmed by one of his aides, Darlington Ibekwe.
The Orlu Political Consultative Assembly further reinforced Uzodimma’s candidacy, declaring him the sole candidate for the district in what it described as a “total, unanimous, and irrevocable decision.”
The unfolding contest is also shaped by internal power dynamics within the ruling party.
Last month, President Bola Tinubu reportedly rebuffed attempts by National Assembly leaders to secure automatic return tickets for lawmakers, instead reaffirming the authority of state governors over candidate selection.
The stance has strengthened governors’ grip on party structures, enabling many of them to influence senatorial nominations as they prepare for life after office.
Against this backdrop, the Senate’s rule amendments appear designed to preserve institutional hierarchy and prevent an influx of first-time lawmakers, many of them politically powerful, from immediately taking control of the chamber’s leadership.
For ambitious entrants like Uzodimma and others plotting a return or debut in the Senate, the message from the red chamber is clear: experience within its ranks, not political clout outside it, will determine who leads in the 11th National Assembly.
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